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Wednesday 30 April 2014

[RwandaLibre] Rebels in DRC kill 6 soldiers

 

Rebels in DRC kill 6 soldiers

2014-04-30 19:07

Kinshasa - A rebel group in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo
killed six government soldiers on Wednesday during an attack on the
army and the UN mission Monusco.

The attack was carried out by the Alliance for a Free and Sovereign
Congo (APCLS) in the Nyabondo area, about 70km north of the regional
hub Goma in the restive province of North Kivu.

Monusco's military spokesperson Felix-Prosper Basse told reporters in
Kinshasa that one member of the UN force and three other soldiers were
also wounded.

Basse accused the APCLS of opening fire on civilians during the raid,
which he said forced hundreds of families to flee their homes and seek
Monusco protection.

The spokesperson also said the UN and Congolese regular forces, who
have for months been attempting to clear North Kivu of its myriad
rebel groups, had swiftly regained the upper hand.

Monusco gunships were brought into action to hunt down the rebels, Basse said.

Genocide

In mid-March, the UN's special intervention brigade and the Congolese
army recaptured the town of Lukweti - north of Nyabondo - which the
APCLS had used as its headquarters for six years.

The APCLS, believed to number some 500 men, was founded in early 2008,
consisting almost exclusively of members of the Hunde ethnic group.

Against a background of land ownership disputes, it battled against
the presence of ethnic Tutsis in North Kivu, refusing to recognise
their right to Congolese citizenship.

Congolese and UN forces are also battling fighters from the ADF-Nalu,
a Ugandan Islamist group, and the FDLR, a Rwandan Hutu militia that
includes some of the perpetrators of the 1994 genocide.

The government forces' most significant victory came in November 2013
with the defeat of the M23, a mainly Tutsi rebel group of army
defectors which had briefly occupied Goma. AFP

http://m.news24.com/news24/Africa/News/Rebels-in-DRC-kill-6-soldiers-20140430

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[RwandaLibre] Why Are Some Memorial Sites in Bad Shape?

 

Rwanda: Why Are Some Memorial Sites in Bad Shape?

30 April 2014 , By Theophile Harushyamagara, Source: Focus

Recently, while speaking to National Consultative Forum of Political
Organizations, Protais Mitali, the Minister of Sports and Culture, had
to explain the causes "of bad status" of some of the 1994 Genocide
memorial sites across the country.

While the minister agreed some memorial sites are in a poor condition
and promises a new law that is meant to reverse the case, in meantime,
pleas are coming to find immediate solutions to the problem.

"Us, whose relative's remains lie in the Rukumberi memorial site, we
are really sad. We would be delighted if this site was upgraded and
put up to required standards," said Callixte Kabandana, the president
of Rukumberi survivors' association in Ngoma, Eastern Province.

Rukumberi memorial site, where remains of at least 35,000 killed in
the Genocide lie, is described by Kabandana a "historical site",
considering how the Genocide perpetrators used copters to chase Tutsis
who attempted to find refuge in swamps surrounding the area.

Furthermore, he tells how in 2011, the Ngoma District officials and
Rukumberi survivors managed to fundraise the necessary budget to build
a respectable memorial site in memory of the loss of their loved ones.
But three years later, the memorial is in terrible shape.

Rukumberi is not the only memorial site in the Eastern province that
needs special attention, as Samson Gihana, the Ibuka representative in
Ngoma District, Eastern Province estimates.

Gihana, who is also a vice president of the East Provincial league of
Ibuka at the district level, thinks the province is far behind in
taking care of Genocide memorials compared to other parts of the
country.

"I congratulate the Southern Province, because they have shown the
courage to prioritize taking care of Genocide memorials in their
province. But that can't be said of our province. We are far behind
compared to South, North and Provinces and Kigali City," said Gihana.

According to him, though there are promises of changing attitudes in
this regard, budget constraints, a reason forwarded by districts as a
cause, is not the main issue, but rather a lack of initiative to
engage in caretaking.

"I think there is a lack of will in the Eastern Province. It is clear
that wherever there is a good will, there is no such problem. Let's
take Southern Province case. They don't have the same problem at an
extent we do. If they are better off, why not us? This is where the
problem lies... the will," said Gihana.

Gihana describes various memorial sites in the Eastern Province as
"not up to standards", or lacking clear maintenance plans. Some are
not well cleaned, others have remains damaged or are not rehabilitated
and in obvious need.

While Gatsibo memorial site is "not up to standards", in Ngoma
district, construction works are yet to start at Kibungo and Rukumberi
sites. At Kirehe, Nyarubuye, Rwamagana and Bugesera memorial sites,
despite talks of rehabilitation, works are yet to be finished.

Special attention

The recent report of the National Commission for the Fight against
Genocide (CNLG), documented memorial sites across the country that
needs special attention.

In its 2012 annual report, CNLG said at least 30 memorial sites,
including Murambi and Bisesero, needed support for rehabilitation. The
organization provided funds close to Rwf 1 million to maintain
memorial sites.

Prof. Jean Pierre Dusingizemungu, the Ibuka president and also a CNLG
commissioner, admits several memorial sites are in a really bad
status, but adamant that all cannot be said to be in a deplorable
situation. The CNLG commissioner says district officials are at fault.

"When District Officials are committed and understands what it takes
to maintain memorial sites, there are no problems. The main problem is
the officials' attitude," he explains.

The commissioner gives the Huye district memorial sites as example to
stress that officials' attitude at district level is a determinant to
this problem.

To support this claim, he indicates several of southern province
districts that put the rehabilitation of memorial sites in their
performance contracts; that resulted in the current "acceptable"
status of memorial sites across the province.

Prof. Dusingizemungu urges District official to cooperate with CNLG in
preserving memorial sites in their respective areas, and disagrees
with talks of budget constraints at district level as the main cause
of the issue.

Of budgets constraints claims from districts, CNLG says that district
officials should work hand in hands with the private sector to raise
necessary money to maintain memorial sites, because the government is
not in a position to find budget for all the sites.

The to-be-promulgated revised law governing memorial sites and
cemeteries of victims of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda will
provide some solutions to budget constraints, according to the
Ministry of sports and culture.

Because it is difficult to get budget for all the memorial sites, CNLG
say they adopted a strategy of rehabilitation them in different
phases, with priority given to the most damaged.

http://m.allafrica.com/stories/201404301122.html/?maneref=http%3A%2F%2Fmobile.newsnow.co.uk%2FA%2F710180720%3F-18050%3A3650%3At

La réponse est simple: qu'on enterre tous ces restes humains qu'on
exhibe depuis 20 ans. Que les morts reposent en paix.

--
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[RwandaLibre] Teaching Difficult Histories: Rwanda's Post-Genocide Experience

 

Teaching Difficult Histories: Rwanda's Post-Genocide Experience

Posted by carylsue
EDUCATION

Educators and politicians are debating what some call the "official
narrative" of the past, a broadly accepted account that roots the
causes of the genocide in the colonial period. Some allege that this
historical account downplays certain realities, including the murder
of many thousands of Hutu, and favors what some describe as a
"univocal narrative" that is managed by the ruling Rwandan Patriotic
Front. (National Geographic News)

Use our resources for guidance in teaching difficult and contested histories.

A Hutu boy, orphaned by the war in Rwanda, draws pictures of Tutsi-led
Rwandan Patriotic Front soldiers shooting small stick figures who
represent Hutus. Many Rwandan Hutus think their role in the Rwandan
civil war is being re-written in an "official narrative" school
curriculum.
Photograph by Michael Nichols, National Geographic

Discussion Ideas
The curriculum developers at Facing History have developed relevant
materials about genocide and the teaching of history. They have found
that "establishing and nurturing classroom norms of respect and
open-mindedness is one way to help students have productive, safe
conversations about sensitive issues such as prejudice and
discrimination." They then discuss three "Levels of Questions" to help
students approach difficult texts: Factual Questions, Inferential
Questions, and Universal Questions.

Factual questions (level one) can be answered explicitly by facts
contained in the text. A factual discussion question suggested by the
Nat Geo News article might be: What are the main ethnic groups in
Rwanda, as discussed in the article?

Hutu and Tutsi

Inferential questions (level two) can be answered through analysis and
interpretation of specific parts of the text. An inferential
discussion question suggested by the Nat Geo News article might be:
What groups or institutions mentioned or alluded to in the article
contribute to Rwanda's curriculum about the genocide?

Political groups, such as the RPF; curriculum developers, such as the
Rwanda Education Board; influential individuals, such as Paul
Rusesabagina and Charles Kabwete Mulinda; and parents, teachers,
celebrities, and other survivors all contribute to the "participatory
process" of creating the curriculum.

Universal questions (level three) are open-ended questions that are
raised by ideas in the text. They are intended to provoke a discussion
of an abstract idea or issue. Some universal discussion questions
suggested by the Nat Geo News article might be: What is genocide? (The
article relies on a solid, if complex, international legal
definition.) According to the article, who is determining national
identity--"Rwandanness"? How do other nations teach about genocide and
other "contested events" in their own history?

http://blog.education.nationalgeographic.com/2014/04/30/teaching-difficult-histories-rwandas-post-genocide-experience/

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[RwandaLibre] Uganda: Investors buying a stake in Rwanda's renaissance

 

Uganda: Investors buying a stake in Rwanda's renaissance

Kampala (HAN) April 30, 2014 . IGAD2020 Weekly Regional economic
update. When mass murder and destruction broke out in Rwanda two
decades ago, 12-year-old Ashish Thakkar and his family were among
millions of refugees who had to run for their lives.
Thakkar and his family took cover at a hotel in Kigali, which was
famously portrayed in the Hollywood film 'Hotel Rwanda', with hundreds
of other displaced families.
Earlier this month Thakkar, now 32, returned to Kigali to announce
that his new investment vehicle Atlas Mara is buying a stake in the
commercial banking subsidiary of the state-owned Development Bank of
Rwanda.
Atlas Mara was founded by Thakkar and former Barclays boss Bob Diamond
with the aim of acquiring stakes in existing African banks and
financial institutions. In December 2013, the company raised US$325
million through an initial public offering on the London Stock
Exchange.
Thakkar and Diamond were in Rwanda on the eve of the 20th anniversary
of the genocide to sign the deal.

"I left Rwanda twenty years ago under the worst possible
circumstances, but now after all these years, we are seeing the
country back on the right path thanks to the incredible work of
President Kagame's government," says Thakkar. "We have a great deal of
confidence in the future of Rwanda... and that is exactly why we've
invested in the Development Bank of Rwanda."
Thakkar's family lost everything in the genocide and eventually fled
to neighbouring Uganda. At age 15 he started selling computers and
founded his own business with a $6,000 loan.
Today he is described as Africa's youngest billionaire. Thakkar runs
the Mara Group, a diversified conglomerate with interests in
technology, manufacturing, real estate and agriculture.
Teaming up with Bob Diamond
Diamond and Thakkar decided to establish Atlas Mara after meeting at
an event last year. The two business moguls started talking about
their philanthropic work and the business opportunities in Africa.
They met in New York a number of times to discuss the idea of an
investment vehicle that would ride on Diamond's banking experience and
Thakkar's understanding of the gaps in the sector in Africa.
A renowned banker, Diamond resigned as Barclays CEO in 2012 after the
bank suffered heavy fines following revelations that some of its
employees had been trying to manipulate inter-bank lending rates.
"Bob Diamond is truly an expert in financial services," says his
business partner Thakkar. "Bob has a tremendous passion for and
understanding of Africa... The Diamond Family Foundation is doing great
work in Africa and so is the Mara Foundation, and this is what brought
us together."
Investing in Rwanda
Thakkar explains that post-genocide Rwanda is an interesting
investment destination because of the steps the country has taken in
creating a regulatory environment that attracts investors.
"I truly believe that Rwanda is about to take off, Bob and I share
that view. And if we didn't believe that, we wouldn't be making this
kind of investment there," he says. "Now with this investment, which
will of course prompt other investors to come to Rwanda, the enormous
entrepreneurial potential of our people will be unlocked and that is
very exciting. So, ten years from now you will be talking about a
different Rwanda; one that is a hive of economic activity and a
financial hub in the region."
He describes the Development Bank of Rwanda as "a great bank with even
greater potential".
The Rwanda deal is not Atlas Mara's first on the continent. The firm
earlier announced it was acquiring Botswana-based financial services
company BancABC for as much as $265m.
"The deals that have been struck in the past few weeks mean that Atlas
Mara now operates in six countries, but that's just the beginning. We
see many opportunities throughout the continent. We don't want to
limit ourselves," says Thakkar.
Ultimately, Diamond and Thakkar hope to build "the leading financial
services organisation in Africa".
"And by leading, we don't mean the biggest, we mean the best. We want
to help unlock Africa's incredible potential, and be a part of the
amazing developments that are happening everywhere on the continent."
By Dinfin Mulupi

The latest updates Fellow twitter.com/GeskaAfrika

Geeska Afrika Online (1985 -2014) - The International Gateway news and
views about the Horn of Africa (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia,
Somaliland, Sudan, South Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya and Uganda), the best
IGAD news and information Online Site for the last 20 Years.

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news@geeskaafrika.com

http://www.geeskaafrika.com/investors-buying-a-stake-in-rwandas-renaissance/2737/

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[RwandaLibre] ICC Congo witness on hunger strike over asylum bid

 

ICC Congo witness on hunger strike over asylum bid

30/04/2014

A Congolese witness who implicated President Joseph Kabila in
testimony at the International Criminal Court has gone on hunger
strike over his stalled Dutch asylum bid, his lawyer said on
Wednesday.

Floribert Ndjabu has been placed under medical observation at the
ICC's detention unit in The Hague, where he has been held for over
three years after seeking asylum in the Netherlands, fearing
prosecution if he is sent back to the Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC), lawyer Ghislain Mabanga told AFP.

"This is the last option, all other paths have been blocked, all
procedures at the ICC have been exhausted," Mabanga said.

"He will be on hunger strike until a solution is found," he said:
"He's doing badly, he's very weak."

The ICC was not immediately available for comment.

Ndjabu is one of three witnesses who sought asylum in the Netherlands
after giving testimony in 2011 in the cases of Congolese former
militia bosses Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui and Germain Katanga.

Ndjabu, Pierre Celestin Mbodina and Manda Charif were sent from a
prison in DRC where they were being held pending trial for alleged war
crimes.

The ICC's Appeals Chamber in January ordered the three men to be sent
home, pressing the Dutch authorities for a decision on their asylum
bid.

However, three years after they testified and filed asylum claims,
their case is still pending before the Dutch Supreme Court, which is
to begin hearings on June 6.

"Floribert is desperate because he's been held at the detention unit
for three years as an asylum seeker and the Netherlands refuses to
take him," lawyer Mabanga said.

"He's afraid that the process will go on much longer and that he'll be
in detention for many more years."

Mabanga said one of the other witnesses was also thinking of going on
hunger strike.

Warlords Ngudjolo and Katanga were accused of being involved in the
massacre of more than 200 people in the village of Bogoro in the DRC's
restive northeastern Ituri province in 2003.

The witnesses' testimony included the allegation that Kabila had a
hand in the Bogoro attack.

In December 2012, Ngudjolo was acquitted of war crimes after judges
said prosecutors failed to prove his commanding role in the Bogoro
attack.

Katanga was convicted in March of complicity in the attack. He is to
be sentenced at another hearing, pending his appeal.

http://www.expatica.com/nl/news/dutch-news/icc-congo-witness-on-hunger-strike-over-asylum-bid_291459.html

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[RwandaLibre] Re: "Rwanda: le rôle de la France dénoncé par les rebelles"

 

Tuvugishukuri a écrit:
"Lorsque vous cherchez l'info, essayer de ne pas relayer les discours
des extrémistes Tutsis."

Eh bien, tant que l'information relayée porte sur le Rwanda et que le
forum a pour sujet le "Rwanda", je ne vois pas pourquoi on devrait
inviter un membre à s'auto-censurer quant au contenu de ses postings.
Si quelque chose ne vous convient pas dans le contenu, une liste de
discussion est justement conçue pour vous permettre de donner votre
avis.

Je reçois parfois aussi ce genre de commentaire. Souvent je ne lis pas
tous les postings que j'envoie. Je vérifie si le contenu est relié au
Rwanda et j'évalue la pertinence par mot-clé.

Re: *DHR* "Rwanda : le rôle de la France dénoncé par les rebelles"

J.C. Tuvugishukuri - 15:08
à Democracy_Human_Rights

Mme Agnès,

Il me semble que vous devez cesser cet intox qui n'a rien à voir avec
la réalité. Tout le monde sait ce qui s'est passé après l'assassinat
ignoble et ignominieux voire de lâcheté par kagame et les Tutsis
extremistes qui ne l'ont pas empêché de commettre ce double crime.
Lorsque vous cherchez l'info, essayer de ne pas relayer les discours
des extrémistes Tutsis.

Bonne fin de soirée.

--
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FW: [RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* RWANDA: Le doute et le déni

 

Ces observations de  "magazine Rwanda-geopolitique" nous rappellent helas la question de  feu Mr Gitera de Butare s'adressant un jour au Hutu  general  Juvenal Habyarimna, ainsi:
 "Comment comptez-vous vous reconcilier avec vos Tutsi alors que le litige est qu'ils veulent reprendre la chaise d'Urugwiro ou vous etes assis?"
Habyarimana en a paye de sa vie, sans oublier des millions de rwandais qui l'ont accompagne chez St Pierre. 
 
Les Tutsi ont maintenant effectivement repris la chaise mais ont bien peur qu'ils ne puissent la garder aisement seuls et pour tres longtemps. Certains malins/ruses croyaient que le genocide servirait et suffirait comme bouclier de la meme maniere que fonctionnait le truc ancien de naitre avec la semence (kuvukana imbuto). Cela explique d'ailleurs en partie les honteuses tentatives observees de s'approprier seul la tragedie et de discriminer des victimes. Mais apparemment le monde moderne fonctionne autrement, avec d'autres exigences et considerations. 
C'est cela qui est en train de provoquer l'inquietude/malaise au Rwanda d'aujourd'hui, alimentant toutes les histoires bizarres, faux bruits, faux proces fourmillant ici et la. Ne perdons donc pas notre temps a chercher ailleurs.
 
Tuer, emprisonner, asservir, manipuler, tout cela n'est que politique sans issue. Les rwandais savons bien les atouts et contraintes/defis dans nos 26 000 km2. Mais sans nous bercer d'illusions, nous aspirons  tout de meme a une societe veritablement  juste, equitable, non discriminante.
Et si l'Occident est pret a nous verser des milliards de dollars et a nous assurer acces aux ressources des pays limitrophes et aux jobs bien remuneres de l'ONU, l'est-il aussi vraiment a creer une impasse type "Israel-Palestine" en Afrique? Il y a lieu de douter si les occidentaux vont se permettre a franchir la ligne!


  


To: rwandalibre@yahoogroups.com
From: sam4des@yahoo.com
Date: Tue, 29 Apr 2014 14:43:04 +0100
Subject: [RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* RWANDA: Le doute et le déni

 



----- Forwarded Message -----
From: MULINDAHABI Jean-Claude <mulijeanclaude@hotmail.fr>

Subject: *DHR* RWANDA: Le doute et le déni

 
Article paru au magazine Rwanda-Géopolitique 26/04/2014
 

 
 
RWANDA : Le doute et le déni
Ignorer ou renier une évidence que l'on perçoit soi-même dans son for intérieur et que les autres reconnaissent même sans le dire, c'est un déni et une faiblesse humaine qui ne fait pas grandir sa personne. Les arrestations de ces derniers jours, nous renvoient une image qui n'a pas été évoquée ou peu. Le climat qui règne depuis plusieurs mois, voire même plusieurs années entre l'opposition rwandaise en exil et le régime en place ne peut que faire douter le peuple. Le refus de faire une lecture sincère de certaines pages du « livre-histoire » du pays est un déni monumental quand on prétend construire un avenir meilleur (et un avenir du « never again »). La construction des « merveilles » impressionnant l'œil, ne suffiront pas sans avoir guéri les esprits. L'heure de retour à la raison n'a-t-elle donc pas sonné depuis longtemps, sans qu'on y prête suffisamment attention?
Pour le moment, il convient de laisser et de respecter les instances judiciaires compétentes pour qu'elles fassent leur travail, et au tribunal de faire la lumière. Plutôt que de polémiquer sur la véracité ou pas des charges mises sur le dos des suspects ou la réalité autour des aveux, pourquoi ne pas analyser et tirer de bonnes leçons sur la situation dans laquelle cet événement s'est produit. Il n'y a pas que Kizito Mihigo dans cette affaire. C'est vrai qu'il est le plus célèbre comme on va le voir mais aussi il y a Cassien Ntamuhanga le journaliste, Jean-Paul Dukuzemungu l'ancien soldat de l'APR, et bien d'autres, pas seulement dans la capitale mais aussi en province. Les charges sont lourdes et plus que graves, parmi lesquelles, l'atteinte à la sûreté de l'Etat et à la personne du Chef de l'Etat. Rien ne pourrait justifier ni excuser ce qui vise l'effusion du sang.
Sans entrer dans une controverse autour de ces arrestations, il convient de se poser de bonnes questions et que chacun y réponde sereinement et avec sagesse. Dans les médias nationaux et internationaux, les voix divergent même après les aveux de certains suspects dans cette affaire. Pour prouver la culpabilité, la police amène, Kizito Mihigo, le célèbre artiste chanteur compositeur en menottes, pour avouer devant les micros du monde entier alors que le procès n'a pas encore débuté! Les juristes disent que cette procédure est hors la loi. Le ministre Protais Mitali enfonce le clou, en indiquant qu'il faut désormais le considérer comme « un criminel », alors qu'il n'a pas encore été jugé. Le suspect est condamné par un membre du « pouvoir exécutif » avant le procès ! Même le paysan qui n'a pas fait le Droit, doute de la crédibilité des propos de celui qui, en quelque sorte représente le gouvernement.
Avant d'être arrêté, Kizito Mihigo était devenu célèbre et très estimé grâce aux œuvres de sa fondation KMP (Kizito Mihigo for Peace), dans les activités de réconciliation effectuées surtout dans les prisons, dans les écoles et à travers ses chansons mélodieuses ayant comme fond, les messages d'amour, de paix, de pardon, d'unité et de réconciliation. Son action et ses chansons avaient touché tout le pays.
Si ses aveux sont sincères ou si les faits qui lui sont reprochés étaient avérés, il faudrait aussi qu'on sache pourquoi « l'enfant de chœur » et quelqu'un d'exemplaire aux yeux de ses concitoyens, puisse basculer de cette manière. Mais d'autre part, malgré ses aveux, d'autres observateurs pensent qu'il s'agit d'une affaire montée de toute pièce. Ceux-ci ajoutent que réellement, Kizito Mihigo est victime de sa récente chanson « igisobanuro cy'urupfu » dans laquelle, il dit qu'il convient d'honorer et de commémorer aussi bien les victimes du génocide des tutsi que celles des crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité sans oublier d'ailleurs d'autres morts quelle qu'en soit la cause.
En plus dans la même chanson, il ajoute que le programme du gouvernement appelé « Ndi Umunyarwanda » devrait d'abord mettre en avant les valeurs humaines. Deux positions, qui, selon certains observateurs, agacent le régime en place puisqu'elles le prennent en contre-pied. Dans un sens ou dans un autre y a-t-il quelqu'un qui ne se soit pas questionné sur ces arrestations, sur ce qui a été fait et ce qui a été dit ?
Parlant des charges, le suspect fait allusion à une éventuelle guerre dont lui aurait parlé un membre de RNC (Rwanda National Congress), un parti d'opposition au régime de Kigali. S'agit-il du chantage ou fantôme de guerre sans conséquence, ou faut-il prendre les choses au sérieux ? Qui n'aurait pas peur de revoir un pays en guerre et surtout une guerre fratricide. Que faire pour l'éviter? Quelle est la réalité ? Est-il sage de se dire qu'on maîtrise tout, que tout va bien, qu'il n'y a rien à craindre ? On ne risque pas de s'enfoncer dans le déni insensé et faire semblant d'ignorer que le peuple doute, et qu'il est raisonnable de prêter une oreille attentive non seulement à son entourage mais aussi au-delà ?
Est-il possible de dissiper ce doute et rassurer?
Après deux décennies, mise à part ce côté extérieur, les cœurs des Rwandais peinent toujours à se remettre des conséquences douloureuses de la tragédie du siècle, le génocide. Or, il est fondamental de panser les cœurs pour espérer qu'on est en train de construire le pays sur des bases solides. Pour certains, un petit soulagement mais éphémère pendant la période annuelle des commémorations et pour d'autres un deuil éternel qu'ils vivent sans extérioriser. Et qu'est-ce qui manque pour les deux ? Avant tout, le travail de mémoire et l'histoire doivent être réconciliés. Pour concilier les deux, il faut être pragmatique une fois qu'on est face au véritable diagnostic de l'actuelle société rwandaise.
Les Rwandais en général, et leurs dirigeants en particulier, feraient mieux s'ils assumaient leur histoire qui n'est pas que rose puisqu'elle comprend aussi le drame, à savoir le génocide dont ils sont responsables en première ligne. Il n'est plus question de se voiler la face. Personne ne pourrait oser écrire l'histoire comme bon lui semble ou pour des intérêts quelconques. Pourquoi ? Parce ce que l'histoire du Rwanda est mieux écrite dans les cœurs des Rwandais que nulle part ailleurs. Le jour où les leaders politiques (qu'ils soient de l'opposition ou ceux qui détiennent le pouvoir) tiendront compte de cette réalité, leurs discours seront mieux soignés et auront un sens. Ils réagiront et poseront des actes après mûre réflexion.
Cet événement qui a fait couler beaucoup d'encre et de salive ces derniers jours, peut conduire au questionnement qui mérite attention. Et si c'était, en quelque sorte des symptômes du mal dont souffre le pays ; telle une personne malade sans en être consciente, ou qui ne voudrait pas qu'on lui parle de sa maladie en vue de la guérir ? Est-ce que les Rwandais sont convaincus que toute ou en partie, l'opposition en exil ne les aime pas ou veut faire du mal au pays, comme les hautes autorités le martèlent ? La population adhère-t-elle au discours qui consiste à réduire cette opposition, particulièrement le RNC et les FDLR, en forces du mal et des terroristes ? Enfin, cette opposition en exil est-elle capable de prouver et surtout de convaincre le peuple rwandais que ce qui lui est reproché est dénué de tout fondement ? Cette opposition est-elle capable de rassurer le peuple et convaincre ceux qui détiennent le pouvoir que son objectif est de conquérir pacifiquement le pouvoir et non pas le faire par l'effusion du sang ? Finalement, tout le monde n'a-t-il pas besoin d'être rassuré ?
Voilà réellement, entre autres des questions qui méritent de véritables réponses, des réponses au dessus des « egos » pour bien diagnostiquer la maladie et ensuite lui trouver un remède qui lui convient. Aux hommes sages et intègres d'éclairer. Du patriotisme, du courage, de l'humanisme, surtout de l'honnêteté intellectuelle et morale, il en faut maintenant comme pour toujours.
 Par Jean-Claude Mulindahabi









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[RwandaLibre] Western leaders shrill on Uganda's anti-gay bill, silent on Uganda heading the UN General Assembly

 


Western leaders shrill on Uganda's anti-gay bill, silent on Uganda heading the UN General Assembly

Milton Allimadi, Ugandan American Editor of the New York City-based Black Star News

KPFA Morning Mix, broadcast 04.23.2013 

Ugandan American newspaper editor Milton Allimadi spoke to KPFA Morning Mix host Anthony Fest and KPFA's Ann Garrison about his Black Star News editoria​l "Electing Kutesa Gen. Museveni's Top Spokesperson UN General Assembly President Would Reward Corruption, Tyranny And Homophobia."

 

Transcript: 
 
Anthony Fest: The United Nations General Assembly will soon be choosing a president. The President presides over the General Assembly somewhat like the Speaker of the House. A new article says the next person to hold the post may be Sam Kutesa, the Foreign Minister of Uganda. I'm joined on the phone by Milton Allimadi, Editor and Publisher of the New York-based paper, the Black Star News. Welcome to the Morning Mix.
 
Milton Allimadi: Thank you for having me on.
 
Anthony Fest: And joining me in the studio is KPFA's Ann Garrison.
 
Ann Garrison: I'm here, Anthony.
 
Anthony Fest: Milton Allimadi, when is the new General Assembly President slated to be chosen?
 
Milton Allimadi: It will be -- I believe, the second week of June. So there's still enough time for the international community to wake up and do the right thing. Unless something happens, it will be Sam Kutesa, who is the Foreign Affairs Minister of Uganda. And this does a number of things. Number one, it provides Uganda a great podium for propaganda, and it also inoculates the regime against many of the criticisms that the regime deserves. The anti-gay law, for example, how bad can it really be if the international community thinks that its Foreign Affairs Minister deserves to be President of the UN General Assembly? But at the same it also exposes the UN to a great level of public ridicule. Really.
 
Anthony Fest: Now, tell us a little bit about this man, Sam Kutesa, the Foreign Minister?
 
Milton Allimadi: Okay, individually, Sam Kutesa is reputed to be one of the most corrupt politicians in Uganda and also one of the wealthiest. He's been linked to many corruption scandals. And the only reason why he has not really been tried and convicted is because of his close relations to General Yoweri Museveni, the President of Uganda. They have family ties and obviously he's been foreign minister since 2005. And one of the most serious corruption allegations involved the alleged accepting of millions of dollars in bribes from foreign oil companies. And in fact, in a letter which was leaked by Wiki Leaks, the then US ambassador to Uganda at the time, in 2009, wrote that Kutesa was one of three senior officials implicated in this alleged bribe scandal. The others were Amama Mbabazi, who was the Prime Minister, and then Energy Minister, Hilary Onek. And in that letter the ambassador suggested that in fact Amama Mbabazi should be denied visa privileges to travel to the United States. And in that same letter, he also mentioned Sam Kutesa. Go ahead.
 
Anthony Fest: Tell us, given what you've told us about him, how did he get the inside track to be elected to this post?
 
Milton Allimadi: That's very interesting, that's still something that needs to be properly investigated and I'm not sure yet. It's a rotational position. It rotates by the media regions of the world. So this is now Africa's turn, but slated to have become - the actual candidate was the Foreign Affairs Minister of Cameron. I think there was actually some background negotiations, probably between Uganda and Cameron. So Cameron withdrew its candidacy and then Uganda was elevated and the Africa candidate gets the support of the African Union endorsement. So pretty much, there is no other candidate, so come June,, unless something happens, he will pretty much by acclaim become the president of the UN general assembly. And of course, as many listeners know, Uganda, at this time, is the least deserving country to have it's candidate become President of the General Assembly. In addition to the president signing the testable anti-gay law on February 24, Uganda has committed numerous violations and territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Congo and Rwanda, and most recently South Sudan. And of course, the United Nation is based on that cardinal principal of respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty. Now, how can a country, whose army has violated this cardinal principle so many times, then have its foreign affairs minister become president of the UN General Assembly? It is almost preposterous actually.
 
Anthony Fest: It's 8:44 in the morning, this the KPFA Morning Mix. I'm speaking with Milton Alimadi, Editor of the New York based Black Star News, although, Milton, you are originally from Uganda yourself. And let's bring KPFA's Ann Garrison into the conversation. She joins me because she has covered news from the great regions of Africa for many years. Ann?
 
Ann Garrison: Yeah, thank you Anthony. Milton, it seems like Kutesa could be elected President of the General Assembly while no one is looking because most people don't pay that much attention to the UN especially Americans who don't feel threatened by what the UN's gonna do next. We don't pay that much attention to you unless we're about to go to war, so this could happen even as the LGBT and LGBT supportive community is clamoring for an end to US aid and diplomatic relations with Uganda. Right?
 
Milton Alimadi: I agree with you. I think this is something, Ann, and thanks for that question, that the LGBT community should jump on and other people that share about the important work that the UN actually does do in other parts of the world, should jump on immediately. Recently, when Iran announced that it was sending its new candidate to become its permanent representative to the United Nation, the US declined to offer him a visa because apparently he was one of those who took American citizens hostage during the 1979 crisis at the US Embassy in Tehran. I believe that this is one instance where Secretary of State John Kerry, should do the same thing and denied Sam Kutesa a visa to come to take this post at the UN. In any event, he had already been advised earlier by the US Ambassador to Uganda to deny visa where Ugandan officials who implicated in this high level corruption scandals. I think this is one instance where he should step forward and do the same thing.
 
Anthony Fest: Now Milton Alimadi, that, can of course, with the new Iranian ambassador to the UN, but isn't that, since the UN is in New York on US territory, isn't that giving the US a second veto, a veto outside the Security Council, they can keep out someone they don't like? However contemptible he might be as an individual.
 
Milton Allimadi: I think sometimes, you have to do the right thing. I think in this case, we can debate about the case of the hostage taking in 1979. We could ask the question whether that is something that's now been resolved, and in the part of ministry that both countries want to move ahead of since they are involved right now in the negotiations over Iran's nuclear program.  But in this particular instance where it's ongoing, where you have Ugandan soldiers allegedly committing atrociities, as we speak, in South, in South Sudan. Where you have this law-- which was recently just been signed, and is now exposing members of the LGBT community to personal harm, to be beaten, to be discriminated again and to even be killed, I think it's preposterous to continue treating this in business and allowing this person who is the top spokesperson of General Yoweri Museveni to become President of the UN general assembly.
 
Anthony Fest: But by the way, also on that subject, isn't it safe to say that probably the Obama administration has already given its ascent to this?
 
Milton Allimadi: I think by its silence it seems that that is the case. And there also then raises the other question, what is really happening in the background when we have yet to get the official response from the Obama administration to the signing into law of the Anti-Gay bill. We were told that the administration was weighing its options and they will come out with the formal reaction that is yet to happen. In fact, what we saw happen was that the US sent additional forces to supposedly help the Uganda army in the search for Joseph Kony. If you go to Uganda and you ask Ugandans right now, what is the number one priority? I think this might come up number ten on that list and I think the first item on the agenda for Ugandans would be the removal of the 30-year dictatorship of Yoweri Museveni.
 
Anthony Fest: It's 8:49 in the morning. This is the KPFA Morning Mix, and we're speaking with Milton Allimadi, I am Anthony Fest here with Ann Garrison.
 
Ann Garrison: Milton, what do you think it would take and what can Americans do to keep Sam Kutesa from becoming the next president of the UN General Assembly?
 
Milton Allimadi: Well we've launched a petition drive on change.org and people can search for that by going to change.org and then using the search keywords "US must deny visa to Uganda Sam Kutesa." And we also have attached an open letter to Secretary John Kerry, explaining why Kutesa should be denied this visa and we also, obviously, elaborate on his background, the alleged corruption scandals and the fact that Uganda has repeatedly violated the cardinal principle of respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty. In fact, Uganda was found liable by the International Court of Justice in 2005 of committing what would amount to more crimes in the democratic republic of the Congo. Slander, massacres of Congo listed to them and Congo was awarded $10 billion as reparations from the International Court of Justice. And not a dime of that has been paid. Now, given that conviction, I mean, held liable by such an international court, how is it still possible that the same Foreign Minister, the same country, should become the president of the Un general assembly. I think America should become much more insistent in demanding that the Obama administration stopped the double standard that's been extended to Uganda for such a long time. Yowerii Museveni is not the only Ugandan who would be interested in helping the US fight the spread of terrorism in African countries. For example, to help, we are trying to bring peace and stability in Somalia.  Africans are interested in the same stable and prosperous Somalia. It is not only Yowerii Museveni, in fact, if Yoweri Museveni was not the president of Uganda, I think more African countries would be willing to contribute troops to go to Somalia and other hotspots on the continent to help restore peace and stability there.
 
Anthony Fest: Okay, Milton Allimadi from the Black Star News, thanks for joining us on the Morning Mix.
 
Milton Allimadi: Thank you so much for this opportunity and I hope more Americans pay attention this important matter. Thank you and have a good morning.
 
Anthony Fest: And Ann Garrison, thanks for arranging the segment.
 
Ann Garrison: Thanks, Anthony.
 

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“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

KOMEZA USOME AMAKURU N'IBITEKEREZO BYA VUBA BYAGUCITSE:

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1.Kumenya Amakuru n’amateka atabogamye ndetse n’Ibishobora Kukugiraho Ingaruka ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.

2.Kwisanzura mu Gutanga Ibitekerezo, Kurwanya Ubusumbane, Akarengane n’Ibindi Byose Bikubangamiye ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.