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Rwandan transnational repression is exceptionally broad in terms of tactics, targets, and geographic reach. Rwandans abroad experience digital threats, spyware attacks, family intimidation and harassment, mobility controls, physical intimidation, assault, detention, rendition, and assassination. The government has physically targeted Rwandans in at least seven countries since 2014, including the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Kenya, as well as farther afield in South Africa, the United Arab Emirates, and Germany. Rwandans as far-flung as the United States, Canada, and Australia report intense fears of surveillance and retribution. The cases documented by Freedom House represent a small fraction of alleged incidents, but provide a useful window into the extent and methods of the Rwandan government's campaign, especially when taken into consideration alongside interviews, existing research, and the broader pattern of allegations.
The government usually targets individuals who challenge it through criticism or active resistance, or who question its version of Rwandan history. Authorities take an extremely broad view of what constitutes dissent and seek to exert control over the totality of the diaspora, including through its embassies and official diaspora organizations. Even communicating with fellow Rwandans who have run afoul of the government poses a risk. "No [Rwandan] wants to have coffee with me even though we are thousands of kilometers from the country," a Rwandan exile residing in Europe told Freedom House.1 The commitment to controlling Rwandans abroad and the resources devoted to the effort are stunning when considering that Rwanda is a country of 13 million people2 where roughly a third of the population lives below the poverty line.3 The Rwandan government is among the most prolific transnational repression actors worldwide.
A long history
Transnational repression has been a feature of President Paul Kagame's regime since the early days of his rule. Kagame and his Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) came to power following the 1994 genocide of Tutsis and civil war, which ended with the victory of the mostly Tutsi RPF against the previous Hutu-dominated regime. The RPF's version of events, in which the RPF stopped the genocide and saved the country, has become official history, and different descriptions are criminalized as "genocide ideology" and "divisionism."4 This has not stopped numerous critics, defectors, and journalists—as well as international human rights organizations—from alleging that the RPF facilitated, allowed, or conducted war crimes and crimes against humanity of its own during the civil war.5 These allegations personally implicate Kagame as the leader of the RPF during the conflict, and call into question his personal mythology as a peace bringer and hero.6
Kagame's regime has gained an international reputation for maintaining stability and economic growth, but at least some of the regime's longevity is made possible by persistent suppression of political dissent through surveillance, intimidation, and violence. These tactics are used indiscriminately within Rwanda and are mirrored outside the country. "What I can tell you is that in justice there is no long distance. Wherever anyone who tries to destabilize the country is located, they should be aware that justice will reach you," said a spokesperson for the Rwanda Investigations Bureau, after rendering an alleged rebel leader from Comoros in 2019.7
Severe transnational repression dates to the early days of RPF rule and has continued throughout. Théoneste Lizinde and Augustin Bugirimfura—a former insider and a businessman, respectively—were killed in Kenya in 1996. Two years later, former interior minister Seth Sendashonga was shot to death, also in Kenya. In 2010, General Kayumba Nyamwasa, a former member of the Rwandan military, survived an assassination attempt in South Africa. A year later three Rwandan exiles in the United Kingdom faced threats against their lives, at least two of whom received direct warnings from the London police.8 Interspersed between these high-profile incidents are numerous other disappearances, attacks, assassinations, and threats, amounting to a multidecade campaign against Rwandans abroad.
High-profile global targets
The bulk of documented Rwandan cases involve high-profile exiles, many of whom are former military figures or insiders from Kagame's government who have fallen out of favor, and who are often affiliated with opposition groups like the Rwanda National Congress (RNC). The government focuses on these figures in particular because they are most capable of drawing on insider knowledge to challenge the narratives about the genocide and Kagame's rise to power, upon which he bases much of his credibility, and have sufficient status to persuade Rwandans or international partners to turn on the regime.
A group of former regime insiders founded the RNC in 2010.9 The following year, four of the founding members were sentenced in absentia to 20 years in prison on charges including threatening state security. Among those sentenced were Patrick Karegeya, a former head of the intelligence service who was murdered in a Johannesburg hotel on January 1, 2014, and Lieutenant General Kayumba Nyamwasa, who was shot in 2010 after escaping to South Africa, but survived.10 As of 2019, Nyamwasa said he has been targeted for assassination at least four times.11 Of Karegeya's murder, the Rwandan defense minister said, "When you choose to be a dog, you die like a dog."12
Labeling opposition groups, like the RNC, as terrorist organizations gives the Rwandan government's persecution a veneer of legitimacy on the world stage and offers a pretext for taking action against alleged affiliates of the group. Five of the ten physical cases documented in this report's time period involve an accusation of terrorism, and it is a common feature among many other alleged physical and nonphysical cases.
Events surrounding the recent rendition of Paul Rusesabagina reflect the multidecade time period of Rwandan transnational repression, and illustrates key characteristics common to many high-profile cases. Rusesabagina, a Hutu, was a hotel manager at the time of the genocide who sheltered hundreds of people fleeing from the killing; the Oscar-nominated 2004 movie Hotel Rwanda later turned him into an international hero. By then, however, he had already fled the country; he left in 1996 after being warned that he was in danger—a credible threat given that he had survived an assassination attempt two years previously.13 He settled in Belgium, where he lived until 2009, when he again relocated out of fear for his safety, this time to the US.14
From the perspective of the Rwandan government, his prominence was a threat, as was the way his account of the genocide diverged from the official narrative.15 In exile he became a fierce critic of the government and president of the opposition coalition Rwanda Movement for Democratic Change (MRCD), and according to the government's accusations, a supporter of terrorism through the MRCD's armed wing, the National Liberation Forces.16
In August 2020, the Rwandan government finally caught up with Rusesabagina: he was rendered from Dubai to Kigali, where he is still being held despite an international outcry.17 "It was actually flawless," Kagame said, alluding to the successful plot to lure Rusesabagina onto a plane. "It's like if you fed somebody with a false story that fits well in his narrative of what he wants to be and he follows it and then finds himself in a place like that."18 His sophisticated rendition is characteristic of the planning and resources that Rwanda devotes to transnational repression, as is the charge of terrorism that awaits him in Rwandan courts.
Renditions in Central and East Africa
Beyond the internationally known cases like Karegeya and Rusesabagina, there are many less prominent and less well documented incidents, notably renditions in central and east Africa. Nevertheless, there is a common thread between these regional renditions and high-profile captures like that of Rusesabagina: they are, for the most part, true kidnappings that are executed without any show of due process. Jean Chrysostome Ntirugiribambe—a former military captain who later worked as a defense investigator for the UN tribunal investigating the genocide, and had been living in exile in Togo—traveled to Kenya to visit his family in 2015. On June 23, while shopping in Nairobi, he was forced into a car by a group of armed men and allegedly brought to Rwanda. He hasn't been heard from since.19
There have also been Rwandan renditions from the neighboring DRC, which appear to involve Congolese and Rwandan security officials cooperating on Congolese soil. A 2017 Human Rights Watch report documented the campaign against Rwandans in the DRC, citing interviews with 10 former detainees who were allegedly rendered illegally from the DRC to Rwanda. One interviewee estimated that they were transferred to Rwanda with approximately 17 other Rwandans.20 Though the sweeping nature and international collaboration that characterize these renditions from the DRC are somewhat unique, the theme of terrorism and antistate actions arises ones again, as the transfers focused on alleged members of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed group based in eastern DRC.
Uganda is another apparent hotspot, though with less direct documentation. David Himbara, a former aide and adviser to Kagame who is now a prominent critic in exile, published an open letter to Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni listing the names of more than 50 Rwandan refugees who were kidnapped or killed in Uganda from 2008 through 2015.21 While Freedom House was not able to verify the full list, numerous other sources also suggest a massive and underreported assault on Rwandans in Uganda.22 There are also a handful of well-documented cases from the past two decades, such as that of Charles Ingabire, a journalist assassinated in Kampala in 2011, and Joel Mutabazi, a former bodyguard of Kagame who was kidnapped from a UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) safe house in 2013.23 In some cases, Ugandan law enforcement appears to have cooperated with the Rwandan government. There are several reports of unlawful detentions of Rwandans in Uganda,24 and in 2018 Uganda charged General Kale Kyihura, who led the country's national police, on counts that include participating in the illegal rendition of Rwandan refugees, including Mutabazi.25
This seemingly constant campaign of transnational repression against Rwandans in nearby countries is a widely understood problem, but is challenging to address. Not only do Rwandans in Uganda and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo lack access to the stronger reporting mechanisms and better-funded rights groups like those in Europe and North America, but the implicit threat of being in such close proximity to Rwanda, and therefore easy to access, may have a chilling effect on those who would otherwise speak out.
Members of the Rwandan community in Belgium demonstrate in the snow on December 4, 2010 in Brussels against the upcoming visit of Paul Kagame, the current President of the Republic of Rwanda, to Brussels. Image Credit: Nicolas Maeterlinck/AFP via Getty Images.
Nonphysical repression
Rwanda's highly visible assassinations, renditions, and assaults against its citizens abroad are coupled with a vast campaign of nonphysical repression including spyware attacks, digital threats and harassment, family targeting, and mobility controls.
After CitizenLab exposed the deployment of NSO Group's Pegasus spyware via WhatsApp, the Financial Times identified six Rwandans affected. Those targeted include members of the RNC; the United Democratic Forces–Inkingi, an opposition party the Rwandan government has accused of terrorism; a human rights defender; and Patrick Karegeya's nephew.26 According to the Times, many of the targeted Rwandans fear that their communications helped the Rwandan government track and pursue targets. David Batenga, Karegeya's nephew, is among those who expressed such concerns:
Mr. Batenga says he is worried about how the information stolen from his phone via Pegasus could have been used. He helped arrange a trip for a Belgium-based compatriot in August, who then vanished a few days after landing in Kampala, the Ugandan capital, despite taking precautions that included changing safe houses.27
Faustin Rukundo, an activist and member of the RNC who was subject to Pegasus infection, suspects the malware was involved in the plot to render Rusesabagina.28 Perceptions of surveillance are widespread; a Rwandan human rights defender living in Uganda told Freedom House that he suspects that his phone calls are being tapped.
Spyware is not the only digital tool deployed against Rwandans. Digital threats and harassment through social media and public smear campaigns are common. Government affiliated and progoverment social media accounts regularly mobilize against individuals who are critical of the government, and the so-called Rwandan Twitter Army systematically harasses and discredits opponents online. Social media users who engage in attacks on behalf of the government are reportedly rewarded with access to government jobs or employment at private companies affiliated with the ruling party.29
Progovernment accounts also use mass reporting as a silencing tactic. David Himbara alleges that progovernment Rwandan accounts reported his Facebook posts as violating Facebook's community standards. Facebook removed his posts from the platform, before reinstating them after Himbara submitted an appeal.30 However, pushing back on harassment campaigns can be dangerous. Rwandan intelligence services reportedly monitor and report social media users who engage constructively with government critics.31
A third nonphysical means that the Rwandan government uses to suppress its nationals abroad is family intimidation and harassment. Nearly all Rwandans Freedom House spoke with for this report expressed fear for their relations who remain in the country. One described it as "psychological torture."
In 2017, prior to the spyware infection, UK resident Faustin Rukundo was subject to family targeting when his then-pregnant wife, Violette Uwamahoro, traveled to Rwanda to attend her father's funeral. Soon after her arrival, contact with her was lost. More than two weeks after her disappearance, the Rwandan police confirmed that she was in their custody. They charged her and a distant relative with a number of offenses, including revealing state secrets.32 Uwamahoro was eventually released on bail and able to return to the United Kingdom.
More recently, in 2019, the two brothers of a Sydney-based Rwandan refugee and human rights defender, Noel Zihabamwe, were abducted by Rwandan police. They have been missing for over a year. Zihabamwe told the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), which has reported extensively on the threats facing Rwandans in Australia, that he believes his brothers' disappearance was retribution for his refusal to cooperate with the regime's demands and for reporting subsequent threats to the police.33
Finally, Rwanda has been known to use mobility controls. In February 2020, Rwanda requested that Uganda cancel the passport of Charlotte Mukankusi as a step toward diplomatic reconciliation between the two countries. Rwanda also confiscated the Australian passport of a Rwandan who returned to the country to see his family in 2019. He has been unable to leave Rwandan for more than a year, despite consular assistance from the Australian government.34
Community impacts
In addition to the evidence provided by existing documentation, Freedom House interviews with Rwandans living in sub-Saharan Africa, Europe, and North America shed light on a diaspora community living in intense fear of their home-country government—and in fear of each other. "They work through the embassy and through the diaspora community," one Rwandan activist told us. "There is no unity anymore, we don't trust each other anymore."35 Lists of dissidents allegedly on Kagame's "kill list" circulate among Rwandans on social media and messaging platforms. Some Rwandans report avoiding other Rwandans, or remaining very guarded with each other.
Their fear is well-founded: evidence supports the belief that the Rwandan government enlists civilians to target their acquaintances. In 2015, Major Robert Higiro testified before the US Congress that the Rwandan director of military intelligence, Colonel Dan Munyuza, requested that he kill General Kayumba Kyamwasa and Colonel Patrick Karegeya in South Africa, for a fee of $1 million. "That's the way it works in Rwanda," he testified. "They look for people they think are vulnerable or weak. If you say no, they track you down and kill you; if you agree, they will eventually kill you too. You have no options."36 Higiro played along for a time, while gathering evidence of the plot, before eventually fleeing to Belgium. However, Rwanda apparently managed to find another acquaintance to help carry out the mission; a friend of Karageya's who ultimately persuaded him to rent the hotel room where he was killed.37
Similar allegations about recruitment of diaspora members were leveled by Rwandans in Australia in an extensive report by ABC.38 The report also documents allegations that the Rwandan government furnishes spies, operatives, and loyalists with false documentation in order to gain asylum and implant themselves in Rwandan communities abroad. Rwandans interviewed by Freedom House raised the same concerns.
In addition to mistrust at an individual level, Rwandans report suspicion of official bodies, including embassies and diaspora organizations. ABC reviewed footage of the chair of the Rwandan Diaspora of Australia, who reportedly received political asylum in Australia in 2004, pledging loyalty in Rwandan's High Commission in Singapore in 2017.39 Similarly, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) has reported based on leaked video that Rwandans were forced to take a loyalty oath to the RPF in the Rwandan Embassy to the United Kingdom.40
The result of community- and acquaintance-level avenues of repression, as well as the Rwandan regime's expansive view of what constitutes dissent, is that all Rwandans are at risk of transnational repression. Rwanda's government has clearly demonstrated its ability and willingness to harm its "enemies" regardless of distance. Many governments are aware of the problem and have taken some action to protect Rwandans, such as when British intelligence services disrupted an assassination plot in London.41 The US Congress has heard testimony about it multiple times,42 while Sweden expelled a Rwandan diplomat for refugee espionage43 and South Africa expelled three after an attack on General Nyamwasa's home.44 A Canada Border Services Agency report describes "a well-documented pattern of repression [including threats, attacks, and killings], of Rwandan government critics, both inside and outside Rwanda,"45 the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada has specifically documented the persecution of RNC members,46 and British intelligence services have issued at least one warning for the Rwandan government to end its campaign against Rwandans in the United Kingdom.47 Despite this abundant knowledge at high levels of government, the Rwandan campaign of transnational repression continues, and ordinary Rwandans around the world remain unable to fully enjoy their basic human rights.
###
"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
Dr. Monique Nsanzabaganwa a été élue ce samedi 6 février 2021 au poste de Vice-Président de la Commission de l'Union Africaine. Elle a totalisé 42 voix sur 54. Elle était Vice-Gouverneure de la Banque Nationale du Rwanda. Elle a occupé plusieurs postes dans son pays. Elle a notamment été Ministre du Commerce et de l'Industrie, Secrétaire d'État chargée de la Planification Économique, etc.
Dr Nsanzabaganwa a fait sa carrière dans le secteur public, renseigne sa fiche de candidate. Elle est connue pour avoir développé et dirigé des programmes favorisant l'inclusion financière et la prospérité économique du Rwanda.
Elle va seconder Moussa Faki Mahamat qui a été réélu au poste de président de la Commission de l'Union Africaine pour un nouveau mandat de 4 ans.
Dr. Monique Nsanzabaganwa ni umunyarwandakazi w'impuguke mu bukungu akaba n'umunyapolitiki, yabaye guverineri wungirije wa Banki nkuru y' u Rwanda kuva muri Gicurasi 2011.
Ubuzima bwe n'amashuri yize
Nsanzabaganwa yavutse ahagana mu mwaka wa 1971, yize amashuri abanza n'ayisumbuye mu Rwanda yarangije amashuri yisumbuye mu Groupe Scolaire Officiel de Butare(Indatwa n'Inkesha School) mu 1992. Afite Impamyabumenyi y' ikiciro cya kabiri cya kaminuza mu bukungu yakuye muri Kaminuza nkuru y'u Rwanda. Yize muri Afurika y'epfo muri Kaminuza ya Stellenbosch, ahakura impamyabumenyi y'ikirenga mu bukungu, akurikizaho impamyabumenyi ihanitse muri Filozofiya mu by'ubukungu mu 2012.
Umwuga
Nyuma yo kurangiza kwiga mu mahanga, Nsanzabaganwa yagarutse mu Rwanda maze akora muri Kaminuza nkuru y'u Rwanda nk'Umwarimu w'Ubukungu kuva mu 1999 kugera mu 2003. Hagati ya 2003 na 2008 yabaye Umunyabanga wa Leta ushinzwe igenamigambi muri Minisiteri y'imari ni igenamigambi. kuva mu 2008 kugera mu 2011 yabaye Minisitiri w'ubucuruzi n'inganda muri Guverinoma y'u Rwanda.
Ubwo yari Umunyamabanga wa Leta ushinzwe Igenamigambi, Dr. Nsanzabaganwa Monique azwiho kuba yarashyizeho uburyo buhamye bw'ibarurishamibare n'igenamigambi ku rwego rw'igihugu no mu nzego z'ibanze. Nsanzabaganwa yayoboye kandi aba umwe mu bagize uruhare mu ishyirwaho ry' Ikigo cy' igihugu cy'ibarurishamibare mu Rwanda. Kuva mu 2012 ni umuyobozi w'inama y'ubuyobozii y'ikigo cy'igihugu cy'ibarurishamibare. Dr. Nsanzabaganwa Monique kandi azwiho kuba yarashyize ingufu mu ishyirwaho ry'amategeko n'amabwiriza bigenga ama banki azwi nka Mikorofinansi mu Rwanda. Nsanzabaganwa kandi ashimirwa uruhare yagize mu mavugurura yabaye mu rwego rw'ubucuruzi ubwo yari Minisitiri w'Ubucuruzi n'inganda, n'uruhare rwe mu gufasha abagore kugira uruhare mu iterambere ry'ubukungu bwa Afurika.
Ku wa 6 Gashyantare 2021, Dr. Nsanzabaganwa Monique yatorewe kuba umuyobozi mukuru wungirije wa Komisiyo y'umuryango wa Afurika yunze ubumwe, afite inshingano zo gufasha umuyobozi mukuru wa Komisiyo y'umuryango wa Afurika yunze ubumwe, ariko akibanda ku bijyanye no kwita ku mutungo n'ingengo y'imari bya Komisiyo.
Umuryango
Nsanzabaganwa arubatse yashakanye na Théogène Bangwanubusa (PhD), akaba ari umubyeyi w'abana batatu: abahungu babiri n' umukobwa umwe.
Ibindi
Dr. Nsanzabaganwa Monique ni umuyobozi w'inama ngishwanama y' ishuri ry' isumbuye rya Riviera. Nsanzabaganwa kdi ni umuyobozi wa mbere wungirije muri Unity Club Intwararumuri akaba ari umuryango ugizwe na abagize guverinoma, abahoze muri guverinoma hamwe na abafasha babo. Ni kandi umuyobozi wa New Faces New Voices ishami ryo mu Rwanda.
Moussa Faki Mahamat a été réélu au poste de président de la Commission de l'Union Africaine pour un nouveau mandat de 4 ans.
Le président de la Commission est le chef de la direction, le représentant légal de l'UA et le comptable en chef du président de l'UA. Il est directement responsable devant le Conseil exécutif de l'exercice de ses fonctions.
Le diplomate Tchadien a été plusieurs fois ministre dans son pays. Avocat, il a été directeur du Cabinet civil du Président Idriss Déby, Premier ministre, chef du gouvernement et président du Conseil économique, social et culturel du Tchad.
Monique Nsanzabaganwa, ancienne gouverneure adjointe de la Banque Nationale du Rwanda est élue vice-présidente, avec 42 voix sur 54.
Moussa Faki Mahamat, né le 21 juin 1960 à Biltine au Tchad, est un homme politique tchadien. Il est premier ministre du 24 juin 2003 au 3 février 2005, puis ministre des Affaires étrangères de 2008 à 2017. Il est président de la Commission de l'Union africaine depuis janvier 2017. Biographie Moussa Faki Mahamat est membre du Mouvement patriotique du Salut (MPS) du président Idriss Déby Itno. Il entre au gouvernement en 2002, au poste de ministre des Travaux publics et des Transports. Il est nommé Premier ministre en juin 2003, poste qu'il conserve jusqu'à sa démission en 2005, pour rejoindre le Conseil économique, social et culturel. Il réintègre le gouvernement en 2008 à la tête du ministère des Affaires étrangères, où il officie jusqu'en 2017. Moussa Faki est le candidat proposé par la Communauté économique des États d'Afrique centrale pour la présidence de la Commission de l'Union africaine. Il bénéficie du soutien de plusieurs pays en raison de l'action du Tchad contre le terrorisme islamiste, que ce soit dans le Sahel ou contre Boko Haram dans la région du lac Tchad. Faki est aussi soutenu car plusieurs pays se refusent à soutenir Abdoulaye Bathily, le candidat sénégalais lequel défend le retour du Maroc au sein de l'Union africaine. Faki est élu au septième tour du scrutin face à la candidate kenyane Amina Mohamed et prend la succession de la Sud-Africaine Dlamini-Zuma, à la tête de la Commission de l'Union Africaine depuis 20122.
Faki est décrit comme un proche de la diplomatie du Qatar avec laquelle il est en contact régulier.
Mwalimu ubanza nawe ubwirwa, ne nous induit pas en importunateur/imposteur du néo-monastique et ex ambassadeur galactique (XYZ999 ne serait elle pas une comète?)
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To: "rugura@yahoo.com" <rugura@yahoo.com>
Sent: Sunday, February 7, 2021, 03:50:31 a.m. EST
Subject: Auto-Response & Warning From Sibomana Jean Bosco. Re: Toujours sur le podium des meilleurs!
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WARNING - AVERTISSEMENT: Les listes de diffusion de Yahoo! Groups sont fermées définitivement depuis le 15 décembre 2020. Si vous m'avez ajouté à une liste de discussion qui poste en mode privé aux ex-forumistes de Yahoo! Groups, veuillez retirer mon courriel de votre liste de diffusion. Please remove my email from your mailing list. Les courriels des récalcitrants sont désormais bloqués et signalés comme spam.
Un anthropologue a proposé un jeu à des enfants d'une tribu africaine. Il a mis un panier plein de fruits près d'un arbre et a dit aux enfants que le premier arrivé remportait le panier. Quand il leur a dit de courir, ils se sont tous pris par la main et ont couru ensemble, puis se sont assis ensemble profitant de leurs friandises. Quand il leur a demandé pourquoi ils n'avaient pas fait la course, ils ont dit: '' UBUNTU, comment peut-on nous être heureux si tous les autres sont tristes ''?
« UBUNTU » dans la culture Xhosa signifie: " Je suis parce que nous sommes. "
En Belgique, un diplomate iranien condamné pour un projet d'attentat en ...
Assadollah Assadi, un diplomate iranien de 49 ans, a été condamné jeudi par la justice belge à vingt ans de pris...
et chez Rucakiranjangwe les multiples-i nta cibles bahafite? Small pro-Trump rallies break out in Canada amid chaos at U.S. Capitol | Globalnews.cachronique des catastrophes annoncées muzirekere "les prophetes du passé dans le futur", ndabona hali benshi Padiri Nahimana amaze kwigarulira mais qui n'osent pas l'avouer (president du Rwanda en dehors du Rwanda), ngo Nyerere yabwiye Rukokoma ko atumva icyo abanyarwanda bapfa, hanyuma akavuga ko iwe afite aba Zanz-ibari n'aba Zanz-ibara? abatanganyika n'abatanganyiki? umunyamakuru amubajije ati "igitabo usoma ubu n'ikihe? undi ati ni Makiyaveri, twe se dusoma, dukeza Maki?
Sinzi ko ingoma nyiginya itaguye ku Rutshunshu , iyo abadasubirinyima kakayicaraniraho imirongo,bamaze kwikiza leurs opposants naturels, iyo aba camarades bibalije muyo abadasubilinyuma bagize imyase bati reka natwe tuyibatize, izamarere ziti ........... (remplicez les pointiés pour ne pas m'accuser de parti pris!), umuramvu w'izadukurayo ninde se .... niba twisunga amalira y'aba rescapés (ni ryali hatabaye aba rescapés?)
Rukokoma ngo hali amashyaka n'impuzamashyaka, ngo RUBYIRUKO NI MWISHAKEMO UMWAMI UZIMA IBWIDISHYI (l'outil du Dr Guillotin est rangé depuis belle lurette, mais n'y a en-il pas qui voudraient l'essayer (démocratiquement ) sur Macron? impamvu ingana ...... Yves Rocher? Yves Rocher Rebuffs Criticism Over Role in Navalny Affair - The Moscow Times
Yves Rocher Rebuffs Criticism Over Role in Navalny Affair - The Moscow T...
AFP
Yves Rocher was hit with a flurry of angry comments on social media calling for a boycott.
ejo se Putin n'ashyira ka Novicok muli Sputnik? umunyarwanda uzayiterwa ikamuhinduka bizitirirwa Dan Munyuza (inkwakuzi ntizinyanjame ngo ndakangura abataryamye!, ahubwo bibaze niba atalibo barota bakanuye LA DEMOCRATIE N'EST PAS UNE DESTINATION, lointaine, inatteignable , pas plus realiste que les dessins deu Dieu, du Ciel par les enfants!, , SERAIT ELLE UN DESTIN? illustration du paradis, les predicateurs politiques n'ont pas "linterpretation de la bible" comme document d'appui, VOX POPULI? (souvent le peuple se transforme en masse), encore une fois qui me dira que Rucakiranjangwe n'a pas transformé "son peuple" en masse dont il a perdu le controle, pire dont il renie la proprieté, et pourtant Marjorie Taylor Greene says Republican Party is Trump's and 'doesn't belong to anyone else' | The Independent (ni ryali amashyaka ya tegetse uRwanda atabaye "ay'ababyeyi" barwo?
Demokarasi, demokarasi, demokarasi demokarasi demo....karasisi (abanyuramatwi bo bavugaga ngo "pas leurs hutu) harya ngo RANU ni UNAR icuramye? OU EST NOTRE GALILLEE? ko South Africa twali kujya gushakamo urw'inzobe rwo gusasa tuzaca he Kovidi babyiruye? wa mugani wa Rukokoma ko inkoranyamashyaka itandukanye n'amashyaka, commission vérité yacu izava he si nous n'avons pa de VERITE INDIVIDUELLE? (ni ryali amabi y'uwo duhanganye yabaye ukuli kwanjye? L'AUTOCRITIQUE EST L'ARME DES FORTS, DONT LA FORCE DE L'ARGUMENT PREVAUT SUR L'ARGUME DE LA FORCE DE CEUX QUI SE DIDENT FORTS.
Si ndema ndafotora, et l'humeur, l'emotion ou le parti pris sont parti negligeable dans ma chambre noire.(libre à quiconque d'exposer ou re-tirer mes photos)
Alias Ruguramananiza
On Saturday, February 6, 2021, 10:00:07 a.m. EST, Zac Biampa <zac.biampa@yahoo.fr> wrote:
Oui, Triple " i", Le Rwanda des Iny-Inkotanyi toujours sur le podium des meilleurs! Et de deux...
"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."
“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”
“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”
“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."
Dr. Monique Nsanzabaganwa a été élue ce samedi 6 février 2021 au poste de Vice-Président de la Commission de l'Union Africaine. Elle a totalisé 42 voix sur 54. Elle était Vice-Gouverneure de la Banque Nationale du Rwanda. Elle a occupé plusieurs postes dans son pays. Elle a notamment été Ministre du Commerce et de l'Industrie, Secrétaire d'État chargée de la Planification Économique, etc.
Le président de la Commission est le chef de la direction, le représentant légal de l'UA et le comptable en chef du président de l'UA. Il est directement responsable devant le Conseil exécutif de l'exercice de ses fonctions.
