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Thursday, 6 February 2014

[RwandaLibre] Mutabazi’s Last Stand: An Inside Look at Rwandan-Style Justice - Foreign Policy Journal | Foreign Policy Journal

 


Mutabazi's Last Stand: An Inside Look at Rwandan-Style Justice

by Judi Rever

February 5, 2014

President of Rwanda Paul Kagame at the World Economic Forum on Africa in Cape Town, South Africa, on June 11, 2009 (Eric Miller/World Economic Forum

President of Rwanda Paul Kagame at the World Economic Forum on Africa in Cape Town, South Africa, on June 11, 2009 (Eric Miller/World Economic Forum

Joel Mutabazi, a former presidential bodyguard facing terrorism charges in Rwanda, is a shadow of his former self.

"He's like a skeleton," said his emotionally frayed wife Gloria Kayitesi in an interview, commenting on pictures of him splashed on the Internet.

Shackled and abased, Mutabazi appeared in military court last week in full view of journalists. In photos, his complexion was sallow and the whites of his eyes were inflamed with tiny veins. Physically diminished and with little prospect for freedom, he had become a man with nothing to lose.

And yet the former child soldier and repository of secrets that worked for President Paul Kagame for two decades emerged defiant. In a statement that shocked the court, Mutabazi refused to be tried, said his life was in danger and he was not guilty of terrorism and other alleged crimes.

Mutabazi—viewed as the 'highest caliber target' among Rwandan Tutsi refugees in Uganda capable of incriminating Kagame and his senior officials—was seized three months ago in Kampala where he had been living in a UN safe house under police surveillance. In breach of international law, Rwanda engineered his forced return and accused him of forming an armed group and conspiring to kill the president.

"If anyone knows the circumstances under which I was deported from Uganda and how the law was ignored in this process, I do not believe that there are other laws in this country that will guarantee my innocence," Mutabazi said.

"I therefore do not wish to say anything throughout this trial, but I came here to tell my family that whatever happens to me in future, this is my stand on the charges: I am not guilty of all of them and I will not defend myself against them."

Mutabazi knows his rights and how they've been acutely violated. In 2010, he was suspected of having close ties with Kayumba Nyamwasa—now one of Kagame's enemies that used to Rwanda's defense chief—and subjected to electric shocks, beatings, waterboarding, and sensory deprivation at Camp Kami, a notorious detention center in Rwanda.

He narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in July 2012, after fleeing to Uganda and given refugee status, when armed gunman stormed his residence in Kampala. In August 2013, Rwandan agents and rogue Ugandan police abducted him from a UN safe house yet were quickly forced to return him when senior Ugandan police and the prime minister's office intervened. The botched operation highlighted the mercurial divisions among Ugandan government and police officials who are regularly bribed and infiltrated by Rwanda.

The latest plot point in Mutabazi's dramatic life occurred on October 25 when Joel Aguma, Uganda's deputy director of crime intelligence who'd just returned from a stint at Rwanda's National Police College, set up a police sting for the refugee that saw his brutal handover to Rwandan authorities.

Officials tasked with protecting refugees called the transfer "an act of criminality" for two reasons: no Interpol arrest warrant had been approved for Mutabazi and his return was in blatant violation of the Refugee Convention, which stipulates that no refugee should be returned a country where he is likely to face persecution or torture.

Last week, after Mutabazi appeared in a Kigali courtroom, a US State Department official offered this statement:

"The United States and other concerned countries are working together to maintain a regular presence at the trial."

"We have expressed to the Ugandan government our concern that Mutabazi was handed over to Rwandan law enforcement, despite his refugee status, and reiterated our expectation that Uganda will adhere to its obligations to protect refugees on its territory in the future."

In December, the United States called on Rwanda to ensure that Mutabazi gets a fair trial—and is protected and monitored in detention.

"The United States has urged the government of Rwanda to ensure that Mr. Joel Mutabazi's rights are protected while he is in detention, and that he be provided due process, other fair trial protections, and continued access to adequate legal counsel," said Charles Hawley, public affairs officer for the US embassy in Kigali.

"We have also urged the Rwandan government to continue to grant independent monitoring organizations access to Mr. Mutabazi during his detention," Hawley added.

Despite attempts by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Committee of the Red Cross to get access to Mutabazi in detention, he remains off limits—another breach of humanitarian norms. His lawyer in pretrial proceedings, Antoinette Mukamusoni, meanwhile announced she would no longer represent him and has refused all comment.

His lawyer's frustrations stem in part from the fact that Mutabazi changed his plea in December, admitting under apparent duress he was guilty of fomenting a rebellion. At the time, Mutabazi is alleged to have said he had contacts with the FDLR, a Hutu rebel group in neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo formed from the remnants of militants accused of carrying out genocide against Rwandan Tutsis in 1994.  He also reportedly confessed that he had ties to the Rwandan National Congress (RNC), an opposition group that includes General Nyamwasa.

Yet his wife and supporters contend that Mutabazi has been beaten and kept in inhumane conditions, spending 24 hours a day in a dark cell, his hands and feet bound, sleeping on the cement and suffering from blood in his urine after being subjected to genitalia torture.

A rights activist interviewed by this journalist said Mutabazi had been "beaten so bad that he sent a message to his family through an intermediary that he might not even recover from his injuries. During those beatings, he was told to plead guilty."

And so it was a surprise to many observers last week when Mutabazi denied all charges against him, openly defying the Rwandan government and setting himself up for more torture and possible death.


About the Author

Judi Rever

Judi Rever is a Montreal-based freelance journalist, formerly with Agence France-Presse and Radio France Internationale. She has reported from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast and the Middle East. She specializes in human rights issues, and is currently doing research for a book that would explore war crimes committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front and its army. 

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[RwandaLibre] Rwanda: Upcoming genocide: holes being dug as in 1993/94

 


Some of the victims of hatred planted by Tutsi extremists in the Rwandan society for their insatiable hunger of political power.

Some of the victims of hatred planted by Tutsi extremists in the Rwandan society for their insatiable hunger of political power.

Kigali, the Rwandan capital, does not have a sewage system. As a consequence, each house has to dig in the ground a deep hole and cover it to receive the human wastes of the household. That was the common understanding for every Rwandan about such holes. However, during the 90/94 civil war, an intensive digging of holes [potential mass graves] appeared in Kigali, even in compounds where they existed already and had been built in the usual process of developing properties, and did not demand some repair.

Many did not question that unusual digging of holes at the time. It is only after the tragedy that, people while recalling what had happened made the necessary connection. A week ago, a source in Rwanda reported that the phenomenon of digging holes in private properties had again reappeared in certain parts of the country. With more than 200,000 military and other security forces at the service of the regime, anyone can imagine how effective the upcoming genocide will be.

For concerned observers of the Rwandan political scene, they can see clearly that the conditions to enable the unfolding of such tragedy are gradually coming into place. The ongoing building-up of political tensions among Rwandans of which acceleration can be traced back to the speech of the Rwandan president in front of the country's youth on June 30th, 2013, calls for some readiness from national and international communities to face difficult times in a probable near future.

It was former prosecutor Gerard Gahima who asked last year how the international community was preparing itself for the next genocide in Rwanda, though many among Rwandans find that such tragedy started on October 1st, 1990, it has never ended but only taken different other forms devised by its master-minders.

In the mid-90s I came across a report which had been ordered by former US Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger. The focus of the study that had been ordered by his department was to analyse the repercussions of population growth in third world countries on US national security.

The resounding conclusions of the study were that effectively the rapidly increasing populations in developing countries constituted a serious danger for US. Among the recommendations of the report was the request that the US government had to take all necessary measures to address that threat.

As I look back to the 90/94 Rwandan civil war, with reference to above report and the diverse alliances that made RPF victorious, I am of the view that the threat highlighted by the then US government was significantly addressed in the Rwandan tragedy.

In 1994 the Rwandan Patriotic Front [RPF] had thousands of infiltrated agents and collaborators inside the country. Among them was one of my neighbours. He had dug a big and deep hole in his compound which as I reflect back was meant to become the grave for many victims of the tragedy. History will never account for all Rwandans, Tutsi, Hutu and Twa who indistinctively have been buried alive or dead in those mass graves.

Today RPF, which this year is coming out with a big bang to remember the 94 genocide 20 years after, has been implementing US policies in Rwanda and the whole region. This has been one of its consistent preoccupations thus even explaining why it has become untouchable because of its special ties with the American government.

The same way the slaughtering [or reduction of the number – sound more civilized] of Rwandans has been part of US foreign policy in the past – this being explained by the covering up of RPF authorities responsible of the mentioned crimes, there seems to be a willingness to let today RPF continue unhindered what it started since 1990. The reason is that, among other things, it falls exactly in line with their policies of reducing populations from developing countries.

If one looks at the issue pointed at by the referred to report and how it has been addressed particularly in the Great Lakes region, they can objectively conclude that Museveni of Uganda and Kagame of Rwanda have all along been the ground's officers charged of implementing that particular recommendation.

Besides every other techniques used in killing innocent civilians, I can today recall what I personally witnessed, but which at the time could not have meant in my mind anything to do with that policy of reducing the number of African populations.

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[RwandaLibre] Re: USA Says Rwanda Army...

 

So what Vero?
Biyibuza se kuba the most criminal worldwide?
 Up to date more than 10 million Rwandans and Congolese have been wiped out by this so-called professional peacekeeping army!!!!

On Feb 6, 2014, at 9:14, Veronika Kirimumpuzu <veronika_kirimumpuzu@yahoo.com> wrote:

USA Says Rwanda Army The Most Capable World's Peacekeepers

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Rwanda Army has been described world class peacekeepers
Rwanda Army has been described world class peacekeepers
The Director of United States Army's Africa Contingency Operations Training & Assistance (ACOTA), Col.Timothy Rainey has said that Rwanda army is the most capable World's peacekeepers.
Col.Rainey said this during the launch of a two-day workshop that brought together officials from Rwanda Defence Forces, US Embassy in Kigali as well as delegates from Washington D.C.
The two-day workshop which kicked off yesterday is aimed at reviewing the lessons learnt in Peace Support Operations (PSO).
The workshop takes stock of the last years' experience for the RDF Forces who served in missions abroad.
Speaking to journalists, Col.Rainey said that: "USA is happy to partner with Rwanda Defence Forces, one of the most Professional Defence Forces in Africa that has performed very well in restoring peace and security in various Peacekeeping Missions.
The RDF swift deployment in Central African Republic and the way they are restoring order in that troubled country makes Rwanda a very good partner with USA in the interest of Regional Security."
He added that: "In just six days after arriving in CAR, it didn't take RDF peacekeepers to demonstrate their brave experience in peacekeeping operations."
While opening the workshop, RDF Chief of Defence Staff, Gen Patrick Nyamvumba stressed the importance of incorporating the lessons learnt from Rwanda's experience in various peacekeeping missions, calling on participants to take the opportunity of the workshop to learn a lot.
Rwanda among the biggest contributors in peacekeeping missions
RDF spokesperson, Brig. Gen. Joseph Nzabamwita said that Rwanda Defence Forces has been involved in different peacekeeping missions.
"Since May 2004, Rwanda participates in different peacekeeping missions under African Union-United Nations Hybrid Mission in Darfur (UNAMID), United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) and United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA).
Rwanda currently maintains more than 5,200 peacekeepers in various missions and is presently ranked the 6th biggest troop contributor in peacekeeping operations in the world," he said.
The Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) program is funded and managed by the U.S. Department of State.
The initiative is designed to improve African militaries' capabilities by providing selected training and equipment necessary for multinational peace support operations.
U.S. Africa Command supports the ACOTA program by providing military mentors, trainers, and advisors at the request of the State Department.
ACOTA provides a full range of peacekeeping training and instruction tailored to match a country's needs and capabilities. The program focuses on 25 sub-Saharan African countries who are scheduled to participate in peace support operation or who are designated to be in a standby mode to do so.

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[RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* génocide rwandais : Vae victis !

 


 Vae victis !

"On ne cesse de nous affirmer que le génocide (c'est-à-dire les massacres d'avril-juillet 1994) avait été planifié de longue date par l'entourage du président assassiné. Or, malgré vingt années d'enquêtes, le Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda (TPIR) n'a jamais été en mesure d'apporter la moindre preuve de planification. Aucune des personnes condamnées par le TPIR n'a pu l'être au titre du chef d'accusation de « planification de génocide ».  Par contre, personne ne semble avoir relevé le fait que le FPR a été en mesure de lancer une offensive générale, sur tous les fronts, dans les heures qui suivirent l'assassinat du président. Quiconque a quelques notions de science militaire sait qu'une offensive générale ne s'improvise jamais. Elle nécessite des jours, des semaines et même des mois de préparations minutieuses : mouvements d'unités, d'équipements, mise en place de moyens logistiques, etc. N'y avait-il pas là, de la part du FPR, ce que l'on pourrait appeler « planification » ? Or, si ce n'est pas le FPR qui a abattu l'avion présidentiel, comment savait-il qu'il allait l'être cette nuit-là ?  De nombreux témoins étrangers et rwandais rapportent que, le lendemain de l'attentat, les officiels du gouvernement rwandais semblaient être en état de choc. La relève n'était pas prête. Si l'attentat avait été le fait de militaires gouvernementaux comme on l'affirme, il se serait agi d'un coup d'Etat. Un coup d'Etat, tout comme une offensive générale, ça ne s'improvise pas. La panique qui prévalait au sein des autorités rwandaises et l'absence d'un leader pour prendre les rênes du pouvoir semble indiquer qu'il n'y avait aucune planification.
Aujourd'hui comme chaque fois qu'il est question du génocide rwandais, les médias affirment que l'immense majorité des victimes était d'origine tutsi. Les Tutsi représentaient entre 10 et 12 % d'une population qui s'élevait alors à environ 7 millions de Rwandais. Le génocide fit environ 800 000 victimes. Si la majorité de ces victimes avait été tutsi, il ne serait quasiment pas resté de Tutsi au Rwanda en juillet 1994. La vérité est que le génocide fit des victimes hutu et tutsi. Durant la première phase du conflit, c'est-à-dire entre octobre 1990 et mars 1994, la majorité des victimes fut certainement hutu". Lire la suite


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[RwandaLibre] Rwanda : à son procès, Pascal Simbikangwa nie avec acharnement

 

Jugé pour complicité de génocide, il répond point par point aux accusations, rejetant la faute sur les rebelles du FPR, aujourd'hui au pouvoir à Kigali.

"Tout le monde est devenu menteur !" La deuxième journée d'audience du procès de Pascal Simbikangwa vient tout juste de commencer, mercredi 5 février, et l'accusé montre déjà sa ligne de défense. Jugé pour complicité de génocide devant la cour d'assises de Paris, l'ancien militaire de 54 ans rétorque que la faute vient des anciens rebelles du Front patriotique rwandais (FPR).
Ces ennemis d'hier, quand il était encore capitaine, venus au pouvoir avec l'actuel président Paul Kagamé, feraient aujourd'hui régner la terreur et chercheraient à le "jeter à la vindicte populaire". Dans son box de verre, le premier Rwandais à être jugé en France après le génocide des Tutsis, qui a fait 800 000 morts en 1994, se révèle tenace et volubile. Il risque la perpétuité.

Question de nom

Cela a commencé avec son identité, la veille. Avant le début de l'audience, des parties civiles évoquaient leur "émotion" de voir ce procès historique, qui doit durer six semaines, se tenir après vingt ans d'attente. Alors, quand le président adresse enfin la parole à l'homme en fauteuil roulant et en veste en cuir, la salle retient son souffle. "Veuillez décliner votre identité." "Safari Pascal", répond une voix légèrement éraillée.
Il aurait aussi pu répondre Safari Senyamuhara, ou David Safari. Les identités du capitaine Simbikangwa sont fluctuantes depuis qu'il a fait son apparition à Mayotte en 2005, après un passage par le Zaïre et le Kenya. Pour sa demande d'asile, il est Safari Senyamuhara. "On m'avait dit de mentir. Les demandeurs d'asile sont des malheureux. Quand on est malheureux, on ment. J'ai menti", se justifie-t-il, affirmant avoir fini par donner son autre identité. Pour les enquêteurs qui l'arrêtent dans une affaire de trafic de faux papiers en 2008, c'est David Safari. David, "un surnom", dit-il, les enquêteurs "se sont trompés". Ils finissent par établir qu'il s'agit de Pascal Simbikangwa, recherché par Interpol.
Mais, dans son box, Pascal Simbikangwa n'a pas fini. Il veut convaincre. Il fait perdre patience aux avocats de la partie civile et explique longuement, l'air agacé, que Safari est son vrai nom. "Je suis né Safari Senyamuhara. A l'âge de 5 ans, j'ai été baptisé Pascal. Le même jour, je suis allé me faire enregistrer à la mairie." En entrant dans le secondaire, il aurait adopté le nom de Simbikangwa pour échapper à des discriminations contre les Rwandais du Nord, avant de reprendre son nom de naissance en 1992.

Un militaire accompli

Que sait-on de cette enfance ? Père hutu, dont la famille possède des terres, mère tutsie, dont la famille (de lignée noble) possède du bétail. "Cadre de vie aisé", résume devant la cour l'enquêtrice de personnalité, qui le décrit avant tout comme quelqu'un de "combatif". Enfant dans une famille de neuf frères et sœurs, il reçoit un dictionnaire de son grand-père qui lui aurait donné le goût des études. Il y excelle et en parle volontiers : "J'étais vif, imbattable."
Ecole supérieure militaire, gendarmerie, sécurité de l'aéroport de Kigali, la capitale, et rapidement la garde présidentielle, en 1983 : l'ascension est rapide et il prend en charge sa famille. Il aime lire les penseurs de la stratégie militaire, se révèle un athlète accompli et apprécie "le commandement des hommes". Doit-il sa réussite à sa parenté avec le président Juvénal Habyarimana ? Il répond d'une moue. "Je ne crois pas." Mais ça ne l'empêche pas de l'admirer. "Habyarimana n'était pas un démocrate comme François Hollande, admet-il, mais je l'aimais. Il faisait exactement ce qui était bon par rapport à ce que je pensais."
Un ami de Simbikangwa dit qu'il en était "fanatique" et qu'il a cherché à le recruter au sein du parti présidentiel, le Mouvement révolutionnaire national pour le développement (MRND). L'accusé répond n'avoir jamais milité au parti, malgré des témoignages en ce sens. On le dit aussi membre de l'Akazu, un groupe occulte de proches du président Habyarimana qui aurait participé au génocide. Lui affirme que "ça n'existe pas vraiment à [sa] connaissance", que c'est une invention pour journalistes occidentaux.

L'accident

Le 21 juillet 1986, la vie idyllique du capitaine bascule. Accident. "Mon chauffeur nous a envoyés dans le décor." Simbikangwa doit être soigné à Bruxelles. Il passera le reste de sa vie en fauteuil roulant. Une analyse psychologique citée par le président de la cour évoque une "blessure narcissique". De retour au Rwanda, le capitaine travaille quatre fois plus, rapporte l'enquêtrice de personnalité.
Un pompier installe la chaise du capitaine Simbikangwa, le 4 février 2014, au tribunal de grande instance de Paris. (MARTIN BUREAU / AFP)
Simbikangwa a changé de domaine. Il officie maintenant au G2, un bureau de renseignement militaire, puis passe dans le civil, au Service central de renseignement, avec la fonction de directeur. Devant la cour d'assises, il se présente comme un "simple agent" : "Même si on m'appelait directeur, je n'avais pas de fonction." Le président Olivier Leurent cherche à savoir s'il était bien numéro 3 dans l'organigramme : "Hmm, j'étais peut-être sixième, peut-être."
Et pourquoi l'appelait-on toujours capitaine Simbikangwa dans le civil ? "Comme ça, comme on dit capitaine Barril [un Français accusé d'avoir aidé les génocidaires rwandais], comme le général de Gaulle." Et puis, de toute façon, il se dit "viré", en 1992, avec l'arrivée du multipartisme, ou plutôt mis au "chômage technique", un "supplice" pour cet "accro" de l'information qui continue tout de même à entretenir un réseau d'indics.

"On racontait n'importe quoi pour faire de l'audimat"

Simple agent ? Comment, alors, son nom a-t-il été associé au mot "tortionnaire" ? Pourquoi des associations de défense des droits de l'homme rwandaises l'ont-elles désigné comme membre d'escadrons de la mort et affirmé que ce "baron du régime" souhaitait les faire taire, dès le début des années 1990 ? La rengaine de l'ancien capitaine reprend : "Désinformation" des rebelles du FPR. Qu'en est-il de ces témoins - "et il y en a quand même un certain nombre", souligne le président - qui disent avoir été torturés, notamment sur la plante des pieds avec des câbles électriques ? "On racontait n'importe quoi pour faire de l'audimat."
Me Alexandra Bourgeot, avocate de la défense, s'étrangle : "C'est scandaleux, il n'est pas poursuivi pour ça, il ne peut pas se défendre." Les faits de torture sont prescrits. A la suspension d'audience, dans les couloirs du tribunal de grande instance, elle fulmine encore : ce procès est "déloyal".

"Je suis un démocrate"

Le président questionne aussi le capitaine Simbikangwa sur son investissement financier, en 1993, dans la nouvelle Radio télévision libre des mille collines (RTLM), surnommée "radio machette" ou "radio du génocide" pour ses appels à la haine : "Vous auriez pu investir dans le thé !" lance le juge. "J'ai pensé que ça pourrait être lucratif. Et puis je suis démocrate, j'étais pour la pluralité de l'information. (...) Il fallait contrebalancer la radio du FPR."
Même antienne quand il est question d'une lettre du président de la Cour de cassation, assassiné dès le 7 avril 1994, jour du début du génocide, au président Habyarimana. Il s'y plaint de menaces de mort de Pascal Simbikangwa. "Il avait le pouvoir de me faire arrêter. Ce papier est un faux. Totalement faux. Il a été écrit par le FPR." Suspension d'audience. Le capitaine est guilleret. Il écarquille les yeux et lève le pouce en souriant à ses avocats.

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Wednesday, 5 February 2014

[RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* Re: Rukokoma et l'option des armes : lorsque la rdi met les points sur les i

 

Ibi byose biragarara ko igihe kigeze cyo guha Rukokoma umwanya agakora politike kuko we ayimazemo igihe.
Abandi bakaba bigiyeyo ariko bamufasha.

Ibyo gutaha mu Rwanda abe abiretse kuko yazagera mu Rwanda akaba nka Ingabire maze n'icyo yashobora kuvuga ntashobore kukivuga. Aha rero abimye Twagiramungu visa twavuga ko ntacyo bitwaye. Iyo umnu agushizeho barriere mu nzira , ushaka indi unyuramo.

Dufite Twagiramungu afite ubushobozi n'ubwitange kandi asheshe akanguhe, abamubonamo ko ngo ashaje bibagirwa ko ariho twese tujya. None se Hilary Clinton ushobora kuziyamamaza we ntashaje, kuko se abanyaemerika badashaka kumujugunya ngo arashaje ?



----- Forwarded Message -----
From: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
To: "Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Sent: Wednesday, 5 February 2014, 18:32
Subject: *DHR* Re: Rukokoma et l'option des armes : lorsque la rdi met les points sur les i

 
Here are the links:
 
 
 

From: "agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr" <agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr>
To: Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr
Sent: Wednesday, February 5, 2014 12:54 PM
Subject: *DHR* Re: Rukokoma et l'option des armes : lorsque la rdi met les points sur les i

 
 
Netters, Nzinink et Kami,
 
J'ai aussi suivi (redif) le débat de France24, mais malheureusement j'ai beau chercher le lien de l'interview de FT sur la Voice of America en français et en kirundi/kinyarwanda, en anglais mais en vain.
 
Un lien pour assouvir ma curiosité et comprendre la comparaison que vous faites entre les interventions sur les deux médias?
 
Merci




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