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Saturday, 17 May 2014

[RwandaLibre] Rwanda: "Members of Parliament Want Homosexuality Criminalised!"

 

Rwanda's gays allege silent discrimination

By Gilbert Mwijuke Special Correspondent
Posted Friday, May 16 2014 at 20:43

Rwanda may not have an outright anti-gay law, but this does not mean
local homosexuals and lesbians live open happy lives. A majority of
Rwandans consider gay orientation a taboo.

This is despite the country's law being silent on homosexuality and lesbianism.

"Very many Rwandans think homosexuality is not human," said a
24-year-old homosexual who did not want his name to published for fear
of reprisal. "There are those who cannot even sit near you, let alone
talk to you, when they realise that you are gay."

Perhaps this explains why the soft-spoken young man, who works as a
film director and actor, has a girlfriend with whom he moves around so
that those close to him do not find a reason to question his sexual
orientation.

READ: Rwanda expresses reservation on gay rights

"She also doesn't even know that I am gay," he added. "In fact, I am
not sure anyone in my family knows that I am gay but I know that they
will find out one day if they haven't known already.

"But that does not concern me," he says.

He confessed to having a sexual relationship with another man and
during the interview the young man looked and acted feminine.

He however said that, despite being discriminated against by society,
local authorities treat homosexuals just like any other Rwandan. The
government prohibits any form of discrimination -- be it by gender,
ethnicity, race, religion or otherwise.

"I don't know anyone who has been arrested or intimidated because of
his or her sexual orientation," the young man told Rwanda Today. "That
is why no Rwandan can claim to have gone into exile for being gay.

"We are not persecuted at all; our only problem is being discriminated
against by some people who don't understand what it means to be gay."

It is as well that the issue of discrimination against gays and
lesbians was top of the agenda when lesbian, gay, bisexual,
transgender and intersex (LGBTI) groups converged at the Goethe
Institut in Kiyovu, Kigali, on Friday to discuss their future in the
country.

Friday was the International Day against Homophobia and Transphobia.

A few years ago, there were media reports that Members of Parliament
wanted homosexuality criminalised on grounds that the country has a
family law that states that; "A person may only get married to another
of the opposite sex."

However, the then minister for justice, Tharcisse Karugarama,
downplayed the reports, saying the government believed that sexual
orientation was a private matter and that there were no plans to
criminalise homosexuality. [...]

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&source=s&u=http://www.africapressreview.com/link-a%3Fid_syndic_article%3D206025&hl=en-CA&ei=vIJ3U92DJcX_sgf5hYDQDg&wsc=yh

--
SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
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Friday, 16 May 2014

[RwandaLibre] "The massacres in DR Congo have surpassed genocidal proportions"

 

Why Don't We Care About Congo's Dead?

Truthdig - 19 hours ago
Posted on May 15, 2014
By Sonali Kolhatkar

A doctor shouts as he carries a Congolese soldier after she and others
were attacked during a patrol near Beni, Democratic Republic of Congo,
in January. AP/Joseph Kay Is it true that atrocities in Africa garner
little international attention because the victims are black?

The recent kidnapping of hundreds of Nigerian girls has generated
empathy and outrage worldwide, undermining such a claim. The
international shame and guilt over Rwanda's genocide, despite coming
too late, also proves that global concern for African lives is not
negligible. Indeed the news media often cover stories like the hunt
for Joseph Kony and his exploitation of child soldiers in Uganda, the
killings in Darfur, Sudan, or the armed attack on a mall in Nairobi,
Kenya.

But what happens when millions of Africans die in a conflict in which
some of the world's most desired natural resources are at stake? Very
little, it turns out. The massacres that have taken place in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo have surpassed genocidal proportions
but rarely spur the outrage they deserve in the media or public.

Since 1996, 6 million Congolese have been killed in a series of
invasions and violent conflicts often instigated by armies and
militias from neighboring countries such as Rwanda and Uganda, which
are both U.S. allies. The battles have centered on access to Congo's
vast mineral deposits. According to lauding Congo's riches on The
Washington Post's website, "In terms of its untapped mineral wealth,
the DRC is one of the richest countries in the world. Its soil is
reputed to contain every mineral listed on the periodic table and
these minerals are found in concentrations high enough to make metal
analysts weep."

Maurice Carney, the co-founder and executive director of Friends of
the Congo, in an interview on Uprising, told me, "Congo has been at
the center of the unfolding of the drama ... as it relates to the
geostrategic pursuit to control the riches of the African continent."
He thinks the media fail to adequately cover Congo's conflict because
"if you look at Darfur, the bogeymen were the Arabs, the Muslims and
the Chinese. In Congo, the bogeyman is the West. From the
assassination of Patrice Lumumba, to the imposition of Mobutu on the
Congolese people, to the backing of the invasion of the Congo by
Rwanda and Uganda, the West is complicit." In fact, Carney said, "The
United States has been on the wrong side of history [in the Congo]
from day one."

Congo has never really been allowed to control its own destiny, save
for the brief leadership of the visionary Lumumba in 1960. But
Lumumba's tenure and life were cut horribly short with the help of the
CIA just months after he was democratically elected, only to be
replaced by a Western backed dictator, Mobutu, who remained in power
with U.S. backing for three decades. Even then, the stakes centered
around Congo's mineral wealth.

Today U.S. policy in Congo is part of its continent-wide AFRICOM
project, which the military says works "in concert with interagency
and international partners, builds defense capabilities, responds to
crisis, and deters and defeats transnational threats in order to
advance U.S. national interests and promote regional security,
stability, and prosperity." Carney told me that the project's real
goal is for the U.S. "to protect its strategic interests [in order to]
compete with the Chinese" for Africa's resources.

U.S. policy on Congo also includes propping up Presidents Paul Kagame
of Rwanda and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. With respect to Kagame
especially, despite the fact that several multinational bodies like
the International Criminal Court have warned the Rwandan president
that he could face prosecution for crimes in the Congo, "the U.S. has
run diplomatic and political interference to protect its allies,"
according to Carney, as this report maintains.

Rwanda and Uganda invaded the Congo on two separate occasions in 1996
and 1998, and fought one another on Congolese soil in 2000. But the
vast majority of the millions who have died in Congo were either
killed outright in armed clashes instigated by foreign-backed
militias, or were driven out of their villages and died of starvation
and disease after being displaced into the forests.

Hundreds of thousands of women and girls have been raped as a
systematic tool of mass shame to break the will of entire villages.
"Militia groups terrorize villages, particularly the women," Carney
said. He hesitated, adding, "I can't even say they 'rape' the women.
They will inflict a form of sexual terrorism on the women, destroy
their reproductive systems, humiliate them by raping them in front of
their husbands and their children, or even force the children to rape
their mother." Such unspeakable horror has led entire villages to be
physically and psychologically destroyed and displaced. The invading
militias then have easier access to the mineral resources such as
gold, coltan or tin under the land where the villagers once lived.

Meanwhile, Congo's government under the leadership of President Joseph
Kabila is too weak to defend itself and to adequately rule the more
than 70 million strong population. According to Carney, Kabila's
government "lacks legitimacy among its people." Because of that,
different groups, even from outside Congo, simply enter the land and
claim precious minerals. Congo's borders are porous, even leading to
serious questions of who exactly are defined as citizens.

Coltan, one of Congo's most sought-after minerals, is used in the
making of tantalum capacitors, which are ubiquitous in today's
electronic devices. Gold, tin and tungsten are also traded by armed
militias for profit. Carney paraphrased Museveni, who likened Congo to
a "banana plantation," meaning that "everybody goes in and grabs what
they want."

But Congo is not just swimming in minerals crucial to today's
technological toys--it is also home to one of the world's largest rain
forests, second only to the Amazon in South America. The central
African country also has enormous water resources with hundreds of
rivers including the great Congo running through it. But the
systematic pillaging of minerals without proper enforcement of
environmental regulations has resulted in serious environmental
devastation. Carney told me, "Congo is where John Perkins'
'Confessions of an Economic Hit Man' meets Naomi Klein's 'Shock
Doctrine.' For example, the mining laws of the Congo are written by
the World Bank and are written in such a way as to benefit private
corporations; the forestry laws are also written by the World Bank."

So, Carney concluded, "you have these multinational institutions
having undue influence in the Congo."

Global oil company Soco International is planning a major drilling
operation in Congo's Virunga National Park, home to endangered
gorillas famously studied by Dian Fossey, author of "Gorillas in the
Mist." Virunga is Africa's oldest national park and a World Heritage
site. Despite legal challenges by environmental groups, Soco is moving
forward with its pre-exploration development. Another undertaking,
called the Grand Inga Hydroelectric Project, is a massive dam slated
for the lower end of the Congo River in the DRC. It would be the
largest dam project on the river and is expected to generate twice the
power of China's Three Gorges Dam. Advocacy organization International
Rivers warns that the project is expected to have "huge ecological
impacts ... affecting local agricultural lands and natural
environments; and may cause huge methane emissions that will
contribute to global warming. The effect of reduced flow in the Congo
River may cause loss of biodiversity and a shift in the dominant
species."

Carney lamented that "in a sovereign nation, the government through
its laws is supposed to protect the environment." But multinational
corporations, taking advantage of Congo's weak government, are
"exploiting the resources of the Congo to the point where it destroys
the environment. It's not just a question of local Congolese
engagement, but it's a global collaboration that winds up depleting
and affecting the second lung of the world."

But is it really necessary for Congo's people and environment to
suffer so tragically to satiate corporate greed and U.S. strategic
interests? Despite a dearth of media coverage, there has been
tremendous grass-roots activism around the world pressuring Western
leaders to play a constructive role in Congo. As a result, Carney is
hopeful that President Obama is taking what he called "incremental
steps" in the right direction. "For the first time in 15 years,"
Carney said, "the United States withheld military aid from Rwanda in
2012 and 2013." Additionally, U.S. and U.K. officials
personally called Kagame, urging him to stop backing M23, the main
Rwandan militia responsible for much of the violence in Congo. Carney
credits such actions for resulting in M23's recent defeat.

Even more heartening are Congo's own social movements that are
attempting to organize for justice and peace. Carney's eyes lit up
when telling me about Congo's dynamic youth activists, who cite the
slogan "I do whatever is necessary," an English translation of a
popular French slogan. Congo is a very young country, with a median
age of 17. "Young people throughout the country are organizing to
transform the society," Carney said. "They believe there is a
fundamental change that is needed--a new society where leaders
represent the interests of the people." Like the Student Nonviolent
Coordinating Committee in the American civil rights era, Congo's youth
are "going into communities and rural areas, speaking with pastors,
educating their peers, training people about the responsibility and
the role of Congolese as citizens, letting people know about the
geostrategic game that is being played, letting people know what is at
stake in the Congo."

Excitingly, Congo's youth are also reigniting the vision of their own
hero, Patrice Lumumba, by reading his works and hearing his speeches
to inform their activism. Hip-hop artists are incorporating Lumumba's
speeches into their music.

Congolese activists are also harnessing the very technological tools
containing the minerals for which their land is being ravaged in order
to strengthen their work. American and Canadian students have been
sending BlackBerry phones, laptop computers and digital cameras
through groups like Friends of the Congo so that Congolese activists
can communicate with like-minded people in other parts of the country
and beyond. Carney told me this sort of solidarity is crucial for
young people to be able "to broaden their vision of the world, tap
into different ideas, engage in dialogue and exchange in a way that's
going to empower them." Most importantly, Carney said, "By virtue of
them being able to connect with young people outside the country, it
lets them know they're not alone."

It is past time for the world to give Congo the attention it deserves,
and to send a strong message that its people are not alone or
forgotten.

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&hl=en-CA&u=http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/why_dont_we_care_about_congos_dead_20140515&source=s&q=Why+Don%27t+We+Care+About+Congo%27s+Dead%3F

--
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[RwandaLibre] Rwanda: Spate of Enforced Disappearances | Human Rights Watch

 


(Nairobi) – An increasing number of people have been forcibly disappeared or have been reported missing in Rwanda since March 2014. Many of the cases occurred in Rubavu district, in Western Province.

In some cases, the whereabouts of the people involved are still unknown several weeks later. Human Rights Watch has received information that some of the people who were forcibly disappeared were detained by Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) soldiers and believes they may be in military custody.

"Enforced disappearances are a heinous crime, not least because of the anguish and suffering they cause to family and friends," said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "Rwandan police and judicial authorities have strict and absolute obligations to thoroughly investigate any case of enforced disappearance."

If the people who have been forcibly disappeared have been arrested, the authorities should immediately acknowledge their detention, reveal their whereabouts, and allow them access to their families and to a lawyer, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should either release those being held or inform them of the charges against them and bring them before a court.

Human Rights Watch collected detailed accounts of 14 people who have been forcibly disappeared or who have been reported missing in Rubavu since March and has received credible accounts of several more cases in Rubavu and Musanze districts, as well as in the capital, Kigali. In at least eight of the Rubavu cases, there were indications of involvement of state agents in the disappearances. Several witnesses said they saw the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, Honoré Mugisha, taking part in arrests of people who were forcibly disappeared.

Rwandan officials told Human Rights Watch that they were investigating the cases, but have not provided any information on the progress or results of their investigations.

The families of many of those who have been forcibly disappeared or gone missing have written to local and national authorities, asking that their loved ones' location be made public so that they can visit them. One received a response from the office of the mayor of Rubavu, acknowledging receipt of the letter and saying they were looking into the case. The other family members who spoke to Human Rights Watch have not received any response. One woman said she had searched for her husband in vain and was giving up hope. "I have no idea where he is, I really don't," she told Human Rights Watch. "He is gone without a trace."

Information gathered by Human Rights Watch indicates that some of the people who have been forcibly disappeared may have been detained on suspicion of being members of, or working with, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Forces démocratiques pour la libération du Rwanda, FDLR). The predominantly Rwandan armed opposition group, based in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, consists in part of people who participated in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Several of those who have been forcibly disappeared used to visit relatives or conduct business in Congo, and these movements appear to have attracted the suspicion of Rwandan authorities.

Rubavu's proximity to the Congolese town of Goma, just across the border, means that many Rwandans frequently cross the border for commercial activities. Others have relatives living in Congo.

Since 2010, Human Rights Watch has documented a number of cases of people accused of being FDLR members or collaborators, or charged with state security offenses, and who were detained incommunicado by the military and forced to confess to crimes, or implicate others, sometimes under torture. When they were eventually brought to trial, some of the defendants told the judges that their confessions had been extracted under torture. However, in many cases, the judges disregarded their claims and proceeded to convict them in the absence of any other evidence.

In view of the sensitivity of being associated with people suspected of links with the FDLR, the Rwandan government and police should ensure that relatives of the disappeared are not threatened or harmed for inquiring about their cases, Human Rights Watch said.

Civilians should not be detained in military custody, and all victims of enforced disappearances have a right to a remedy, Human Rights Watch said.

An enforced disappearance occurs when someone is deprived of their liberty by agents of the state or those acting with its acquiescence, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person.

"We are concerned that some of the people who have disappeared could face a similar fate to those accused of FDLR involvement or state security offenses in the past," Bekele said. "The Rwandan authorities should make every effort to locate these people."

For details about the circumstances of the disappearances, recommendations, and a summary of some of the cases Human Rights Watch investigated, please see below.

Involvement of Military and Local Government Officials
Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that they saw a local government official and RDF soldiers detaining some of those who have disappeared.

On April 16, two village chiefs, Elie Semajeri and Shamusi Umubyeyi, and a traditional doctor, Jean-Bosco Bizimungu, were detained in the Kabuga, Majengo, and Ihuriro neighborhoods of Gisenyi sector. Local residents said that soldiers, together with the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, Honoré Mugisha, detained these people near their homes. Witnesses also cited Mugisha in connection with other disappearances.

Mugisha told Human Rights Watch on May 8 that he had heard rumors of these accusations against him but said he did not understand them. He maintained that on April 16, he was in Ruhengeri, a town more than an hour away, visiting his sick mother, and said he did not learn that the two village chiefs had disappeared until April 18.

Yet six witnesses separately confirmed to Human Rights Watch that Mugisha was personally involved in the detentions on April 16. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that when local residents questioned the detention of Umubyeyi, Mugisha said he took responsibility for it and said: "We are going to ask her some questions and then we will release her." Similarly, Mugisha told a person close to Semajeri: "He has questions to answer and then we will release him."

The Rwandan Penal Code prohibits kidnapping and unlawful detention and specifies that it is an offense for public servants to be involved in acts violating individual liberty. Failure by public servants who are aware of an illegal deprivation of an individual's liberty to assist or to seek assistance from a competent authority to end it also constitutes an offense.

The Rwandan Penal Code states that any civil servant who puts or retains a person in detention without a legal order shall be liable to a term of imprisonment equivalent to the term incurred by the illegally detained person. An act of enforced disappearance is not yet defined as a crime under national law, although the Penal Code recognizes enforced disappearances as one of the acts that can constitute a crime against humanity.

Official Response
Human Rights Watch met with the District Police Commander of Rubavu District, Karangwa Murenge, on May 8. Murenge agreed that the number of reported cases of missing people had increased. He told Human Rights Watch: "I have seen the letters that have been dropped off here in which people say that they have loved ones missing. We are doing investigations. Just until now we can't say how this is happening. We are trying to figure out what is going on."

He disputed a list of 14 names presented by Human Rights Watch saying, "I really don't think this can be right. This is too many people." He said: "We are next to the DRC [Democratic Republic of Congo]. Some people can leave for the DRC for days or weeks or even months and not tell others."

"If a soldier arrests a civilian, then he [the civilian] should immediately be sent to me," he said. "The military can never arrest a civilian."

On May 9, local and provincial officials held a public meeting at the football stadium in Gisenyi sector. Before this meeting, a rumor was circulating that the people who had been subject to enforced disappearance or were missing would be presented to the crowd.

This did not happen, but officials, including the governor of Western Province and the mayor of Rubavu, urged the population to reinforce local security efforts. A senior military official, Major General Mubarak Muganga, reportedly told the crowd that the RDF was detaining people who would later be presented to the public. He said these people had been detained because they collaborated with the FDLR and had confessed to this voluntarily.

Human Rights Watch raised cases of the disappeared and missing people with Brigadier General Joseph Nzabamwita, the spokesman for the RDF, on May 13. Responding to concerns that RDF soldiers may have been involved in unlawful detention, Nzabamwita said, "The RDF does not engage in such." He questioned the relevance of Major General Muganga's statement that the RDF was detaining people to reports of people subject to enforced disappearance.

Human Rights Watch also raised these cases with Justice Minister Johnston Busingye in an email on May 12. On May 13 Human Rights Watch met with Busingye, who said he would look into them.

The Law on Disappearances and Recommendations
The absolute prohibition on enforced disappearances is part of customary international law and is included as a crime in the Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Multiple human rights instruments also address enforced disappearances. Rwanda has yet to ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

Although a discrete crime in and of itself, the act of enforced disappearance has also long been recognized as simultaneously violating multiple human rights protections, including the prohibition of torture and freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention. An enforced disappearance is also a "continuing crime:" it continues to take place so long as the disappeared person remains missing, and information about his or her fate or whereabouts has not been provided.

An enforced disappearance has multiple victims. Those close to a disappeared person suffer anguish from not knowing the fate of the disappeared person, which amounts to inhuman and degrading treatment. They may also be further treated in an inhuman and degrading manner by authorities who fail to investigate or provide information on the whereabouts and fate of the disappeared person. These aspects make disappearances a particularly pernicious form of violation, and highlight the seriousness with which the authorities should take their obligations to prevent and remedy the crime.

The Rwandan government should ensure that:

-          All authorities who have received inquiries from families of people who have disappeared or are missing reply promptly, providing all known information on the whereabouts and fate of these people and on steps being taken to acquire such information if not readily available;

-          District and national authorities investigate all reported cases of enforced disappearances;

-          All those forcibly disappeared are immediately released or brought before a judge and any further custody is conducted in strict compliance with Rwandan and international law. Such custody should only be possible on the basis that the individual has been charged with a criminal offense, for which they will be promptly given a fair trial, with guarantees for absolute respect for their due process rights;

-          No information collected during the time the person was disappeared or that may have been acquired through torture or any other prohibited ill-treatment is allowed to be used as evidence in criminal proceedings, other than against those who engaged in any torture, ill-treatment or the act of enforced disappearance; and

-          All those involved in the acts of enforced disappearance are investigated and prosecuted under Rwandan law.  

Selection of cases of disappearances in Rubavu district March to May 2014

Anne-Marie Murekatete – Disappeared on March 18, 2014

Anne-Marie Murekatete, 27, is an intern at the health clinic in Gatyazo, in Nyamyumba sector. She studied nursing in Congo. On March 18, she was taken by men in a vehicle just outside the clinic where she worked.

A witness told Human Rights Watch:

It was between 8:30 and 9 a.m. [and she was] dressed in her work clothes. She got a call from a girl she had studied with in Congo. I could hear the conversation. The caller said that Anne-Marie had to go outside. There was a vehicle parked there [and] two people were on the road. The men were in civilian clothes. The vehicle was a white pickup truck with tinted windows … As she was walking toward the truck, she was talking on the phone … One of the men said to her, 'Is it you [the caller] is looking for? She is in the vehicle, you can find her there.' As she got near the vehicle, the two men pushed her inside. They were walking behind her as she walked toward it and forced her inside. Then they sped off.

On April 14, a relative of Murekatete wrote letters to local government officials explaining what had happened and asking for help in finding her.

A relative inquired about her case in April at a regular district security meeting at which a member of the RDF addressed the local population. The RDF official responded: "If it is the enemy who took her, we will look for her. If she is with us, it is because there are things we need to ask her. We need to ask her questions and then we will release her."

Although the men described as detaining Murekatete were dressed as civilians, the white vehicle into which she was forced matches the description of other vehicles allegedly used by government forces and civilians to detain other disappeared people.

Elie Semajeri – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Elie Semajeri, 50, is the village chief of the Majengo neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. On April 16 uniformed armed soldiers arrived at his home around 11:30 p.m., accompanied by men in civilian clothes. They told one of his children, "Go tell [Semajeri] we need him now."

An individual close to Semajeri who was near his home told Human Rights Watch:

Elie thought it had something to do with the neighborhood, so he got up and put on a jacket … [Another person] went outside and saw the soldiers walking Elie out of the compound. She then saw him try to resist and they [the soldiers] pushed him. She yelled, '[Semajeri] is being arrested!' [Others] ran outside and threw stones at neighbors' houses to tell everyone what was happening and to tell people to come outside…

I saw Honoré, the executive secretary, with the soldiers. The soldiers had their guns out and were pointing them up and down the street. Elie was being put into a vehicle and he yelled, 'Look! They are arresting me! They are taking me and I will die!' He was also crying. He yelled, 'All the neighbors must see this!' At this moment, they forced him into a vehicle. It was a white pickup truck.

Another witness told Human Rights Watch:

It was around 11 p.m. in the evening … I was in bed and all of a sudden, I heard a child crying, 'Get up! They are taking [him]!' I got up and opened the door. I saw soldiers… and men in civilian clothes. As I went outside, I saw Elie being taken by three men in civilian clothes. They told him to sit down and a soldier guarded him. There were many soldiers around. We all started to cry, 'No! You can't take him at night! He should stay here.' There were many people around. Elie was yelling, 'No! Don't arrest me! ... Leave me alone, I don't want to go!' We started to resist and the soldiers started to threaten us … A soldier pushed me to the ground. The soldiers scared the people back and they took Elie away in a white vehicle.

An individual close to Semajeri phoned Mugisha, the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, who said, "He [Semajeri] has questions to answer and then we will release him."

The next day, a relative of Semajeri went to Gisenyi police station to look for him. The police told her he was not there, and advised her that if he had been arrested by the military, she should check at the military camp.

On May 2 Semajeri's relatives dropped letters at local government offices explaining how he was arrested by soldiers in the presence of Mugisha. They have not received a response.

Shamusi Umubyeyi – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Shamusi Umubyeyi, approximately 45, is the village chief of the Ihuriro neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. On April 16, when soldiers arrived near Semajeri's home (see above), one of Semajeri's relatives ran to Umubyeyi's home to inform her. As Umubyeyi was leaving, soldiers, accompanied by Mugisha, arrested her. Umubyeyi was last seen at a parking lot near the football stadium, where Mugisha and the soldiers had escorted her.

A local resident told Human Rights Watch:

We heard all the cries and we got up and went to look outside. People were running around yelling, 'Come! Come! [Elie Semajeri] is being arrested!' Shamusi got up in her night clothes and left her house. Near my house she stopped to talk to some local demobilized soldiers … At this moment the vehicle that took Elie came back. It was a white pickup truck. The executive secretary got out and approached me and asked where Shamusi was. His name is Honoré Mugisha.

He called Shamusi's phone and I heard him say, 'Come back, we need to see you.' She came [and] they greeted each other. Honoré said to her, 'You too. We are looking for you. If your conscience is clean, then come and explain yourself.' Shamusi said, 'I have no problems. I am here to see what has happened. I see you are a leader, so I will come.' Honoré was with three men in civilian clothes … and three soldiers who were armed. [As she was walked off, some people asked] Honoré, 'Who is arresting our neighbor?' He said, 'I am responsible. Go back to bed.'

Another local resident told Human Rights Watch, "When the military was taking Shamusi away, the population was crying out. Honoré got out of his truck and said to the population, 'No, stay calm, we are going to ask her some questions and then we will release her.'"

On April 25 relatives of Umubyeyi dropped off letters at local government offices explaining how she was arrested and requesting help in finding her. They have not received a response. When a person close to Umubyeyi inquired about her at the Division III military headquarters in Gisenyi, commonly known as "CEPGL," a military official told him, "If you continue to insist on following this case, you too could become a victim."

Hassani Bizimana – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
On April 16, a soldier arrested Hassani Bizimana, 44, in the Ubutabazi neighborhood in Gisenyi sector, as he was closing his shop. A witness told Human Rights Watch:

It was around 6 p.m. and he was closing the shop. All of a sudden, a soldier was there … I turned around and I saw Bizimana … He said, 'This soldier is saying they are going to take me somewhere.' He yelled, 'People! Look, the military are taking me somewhere! If you can't find me, know that it was them who took me!' I approached the soldier and tried to see his name, but the tag on his uniform had been removed. People started to approach, so the soldier said to Hassani, 'Ok, let's go.' Someone yelled, 'What has he done?' The soldier said, 'The people in charge of intelligence told me to take him.'

Another witness confirmed this, telling Human Rights Watch that he saw a soldier with a gun walking away with Bizimana and heard Bizimana shout out that he was being arrested.

An individual close to Bizimana went to the police station the same night to look for him, but the police told him that those arrested by the military were taken to a military base commonly known as the "gendarmerie," near the border with Congo.

The next morning he went to the "gendarmerie." Soldiers there asked him, "Who said he was arrested by the military? Is everyone in a uniform a soldier?"

On May 2 a relative of Bizimana dropped off letters to local government and police offices reporting Bizimana's detention by a soldier and requesting that his location be revealed. There has been no response.

Jean-Bosco Bizimungu – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Jean-Bosco Bizimungu, 51, is a traditional doctor who lives in the Kabuga neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. He often visited Congo as he had family there. Witnesses said that the executive secretary of the sector, accompanied by soldiers, detained him on April 16. One of them told Human Rights Watch:

It was around 1:30 a.m. when the executive secretary accompanied by the military went to his house. The executive secretary is named Honoré Mugisha. They knocked on the door and yelled, 'Get up and open this door!' Bizimungu opened the door and they said, 'We have a man with a sick stomach. We want you to care for him.' Bizimungu asked, 'Where is he?' They said, 'You must come' and they wanted to take him. Bizimungu said, 'I am not leaving my house. Bring him here.' Then the soldiers entered by force and they took him … There were six soldiers in uniform. They walked Bizimungu to the stadium where they had vehicles waiting.

Other witnesses also told Human Rights Watch they saw soldiers walking Bizimungu to the stadium.

The next morning a relative of Bizimungu's went to the village chief to explain what had happened. The chief said, "You were not the only one with this problem last night. You should go look at the police." The relative was not able to find Bizimungu at the police station.

Alphonse Butsitsi – Disappeared on April 22, 2014
Alphonse Butsitsi, 78, is well known locally, due to his age and outgoing personality. He lives in the Majengo neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. He was detained in town on April 22.

A witness told Human Rights Watch:

I was walking home with other people. A vehicle with Congo plates, a white pickup truck with tinted windows, passed me and parked in front of the Baptist church. Some men got out onto the road. There were three men in civilian clothes and one in a soldier's uniform. The soldier was not armed. Butsitsi was on his bike. One of them called him. He went to them and they told him to get into the car. He agreed and they put the bike in the back of the truck.

The vehicle then sped off. Butsitsi has not been seen since.

The day he disappeared, Butsitsi's relatives checked the local police cells but he was not there. On April 23 and 25, his relatives dropped letters at local government offices explaining how Butsitsi was detained and requesting assistance in finding him. They later received a letter from the office of the mayor of Rubavu, acknowledging receipt of their letter and saying they were looking into the case.

Individuals close to Butsitsi also inquired about him at the Division III military headquarters. They were not able to make direct inquiries to officers, but soldiers at the base asked them, "Does [Butsitsi] go to the DRC often?"

Virginie Uwamahoro – Disappeared on April 23, 2014
Virginie Uwamahoro, 38, is the director of a primary school in Gisenyi sector. She studied in Goma (eastern Congo), completing her degree in 2013.

On April 23 Uwamahoro was returning from a meeting in Kigali. Before arriving in Gisenyi, she called an individual close to her and said that Mugisha was looking for her, so she had to see him first. She never returned home.

An individual close to Uwamahoro asked Mugisha where she was. He said: "I asked [Mugisha] 'Where is she and how can I see her?' He said, 'No, stay calm.' But I insisted. I wanted to know where she was and he said, 'I can't tell you because if I reveal secrets, I risk consequences.' He did tell me, though, that she had been arrested at the bus station in Gisenyi." The person inquired at the police but the police simply told him to wait.

On April 25, April 29, and May 2, a relative of Uwamahoro wrote letters explaining to local officials that she was missing and asking them to reveal her location. There has been no response.

Selemane Harerimana – Disappeared on April 30, 2014
Selemane Harerimana, 38, works as a mason in Rubavu district and in the town of Goma, eastern Congo. He lives in the Amahoro neighborhood in Gisenyi sector.

On April 30 Harerimana left his home in the morning as usual. Later that morning he called a friend and told him he was being detained. He said he was going to be taken to the "gendarmerie" in the vehicle of the executive secretary. His friend went directly to the "gendarmerie" to look for him. He told Human Rights Watch:

They would not let me in, but I saw the vehicle of the executive secretary there. I stayed outside and watched as Selemane was put into a white pickup truck … I followed the truck to "CEPGL" but I could not get in. After seeing the truck go into "CEPGL", I decided to ask the people there. [They said] 'He was in the DRC a lot, so we arrested him to see what he does and to see if he collaborates with the FDLR.'

 

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[RwandaLibre] Re: Itanganzo: Messe du 17/05/2014 pour toutes les victimes des génocides rwandais

 

Bwana Olivier Nduhungirehe,

Pour vous rafraîchir la mémoire, j'envoie un article qui parle de ce
rapport d'enquête des Nations-Unies. Quand je lis vos commentaires,
sachant que vous êtes par dessus le marché un fonctionnaire des
Nations-Unies, je me pose de sérieuses questions sur votre niveau de
conscience et sens des responsabilités.

La qualité universelle d'un bon politicien, c'est qu'il a cette
capacité de se mettre dans la peau des autres pour sentir leur
douleur. Quand vous reniez la mort de tant de vos frères et soeurs
hutus, qu'avez-vous dans la tête???

Sibomana Jean Bosco.

Bombshell UN report leaked: 'Crimes of genocide' against Hutus in Congo

The striking conclusion of a new draft UN report is that violence
perpetrated by Rwandan President Paul Kagame's and Congolese President
Laurent Kabila's forces against Hutus could constitute 'crimes of
genocide.'

By Jason Stearns, Guest blogger / August 26, 2010


Rwandan troops marched through the village of Pinga in eastern Congo,
during a joint Congolese-Rwandan operation to hunt down Hutu extremist
rebels in February of 2009.
Finbarr O'Reilly/Reuters

Over a year after its completion, the UN mapping report has finally
been leaked to the press. The report was mandated by the UN to
investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Congo
between 1993 and 2003 in the hope that there could be accountability
for the violence. To date, almost nothing has been done to bring those
responsible to justice.

The report is huge, spanning 545 pages, and deals with war crimes
committed by the security forces of
Angola, Mobutu's Zaire, Uganda, Chad, Laurent Kabila's government,
Joseph Kabila's government,
Zimbabwe, the ex-FAR and Interahamwe (and later the FDLR), the Mai-Mai
and the many other rebel groups. I will speak at length about the
massacres carried out by these forces in later postings. Here, I will
speak about the most controversial claim: the massacres carried out by
the Rwandan army (RPA) together with the AFDL rebellion (led by
Laurent Kabila) against the Hutu refugees in 1996-1997.

The striking conclusion is that the crimes committed by the RPA/AFDL
against Hutu refugee and Congolese Hutu could constitute a crime of
genocide. This will be a bombshell for

Paul Kagame's government, which prides itself of having brought an end
to the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi and have built their reputation
and their appeal to donors on their promotion of post-genocide
reconciliation. This report will rock the internet for months and
years to come, its political improtance is hard to overstate.

A few words of caution. The report was not based on the same high
standards of a judicial investigation, it was intended to provide a
broad mapping of he most serious human rights abuses between 1993 and
2003.

Indeed, the report says that an international court will have to be
the final arbiter whether the RPA/AFDL did commit acts of genocide.
Verbatim: "The systematic and widespread attacks described in this
report, which targeted very large numbers of Rwandan Hutu refugees and
members of the Hutu civilian population, resulting in their death,
reveal a number of damning elements that, if they were proven before a
competent court, could be classified as crimes of genocide."

Nonetheless, it was their mandate to documents crimes of genocide, and
they were rigorous: In total, the team gathered evidence on 600
incidents of violence (not just on the genocide allegations). Their
standard was two independent sources for each incident. They
interviewed 1,280 witnesses and gathered 1,500 documents. Many of the
reports of killings of Congolese and Rwandan Hutu civilians were
corroborated by eyewitnesses. While we always knew that there had been
large massacres of Hutu refugees in the Congo, this is the first
rigorous investigation, and the first time an international body has
thrown its weight behind charges of genocide.

On to the conclusion of the report:

Paragraph 512. The systematic attacks [...] resulted in a very large
number of victims, probably tens of thousands of members of the Hutu
ethnic group, all nationalities combined. In the vast majority of
cases reported, it was not a question of people killed unintentionally
in the course of combat, but people targeted primarily by AFDL/APR/FAB
[Burundian army] forces and executed in their hundreds, often with
edged weapons. The majority of the victims were children, women,
elderly people and the sick, who posed no threat to the attacking
forces. Numerous serious attacks on the physical or pyschological
integrity of members of the group were also committed, with a very
high number of Hutus shot, raped, burnt or beaten. Very large numbers
of victims were forced to flee and travel long distances to escape
their pursuers, who were trying to kill them. The hunt lasted for
months, resulting in the deaths of an unknown number of people
subjected to cruel, inhuman and degrading living conditions, without
access to food or medication. On several occasions, the humanitarian
aid intended for them was deliberately blocked, in particular in

Orientale Province, depriving them of assistance essential to their survival.

Paragraph 513. At the time of the incidents covered by this report,
the Hutu population in Zaire, including refugees from Rwanda,
constituted an ethnic group as defined in the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Moreover, as shown
previously, the intention to destroy a group in part is sufficient to
be classified as a crime of genocide. Finally, the courts have also
confirmed that the destruction of a group can be limited to a
particular geographical area. It is therefore possible to assert that,
even if only a part of the Hutu population in Zaire was targeted and
destroyed, it could nonetheless constitute a crime of genocide, if
this was the intention of the perpetrators. Finally, several incidents
listed also seem to confirm that the numerous attacks were targeted at
members of the Hutu ethnic group as such. Although, at certain times,
the aggressors said they were looking for the criminals responsible
for the genocide committed against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, the
majority of the incidents reported indicate that the Hutus were
targeted as such, with no discrimination between them. The numerous
attacks against the Hutus in Zaire, who were not part of the refugees,
seem to confirm that it was all Hutus, as such, who were targeted. The
crimes committed in particular in

Rutshuru (30 October 1996) and Mugogo (18 November 1996), in

North Kivu, highlight the specific targeting of the Hutus, since
people who were able to persuade the aggressors that they belonged to
another ethnic group were released just before the massacres. The
systematic use of barriers by the AFDL/APR/FAB, particularly in

South Kivu, enabled them to identify people of Hutu origin by their
name or village of origin and thus to eliminate them. Hundreds of
people of Hutu origin are thus thought to have been arrested at a
barrier erected in November 1996 in Ngwenda, in the Rutshuru
territory, and subsequently executed by being beaten with sticks in a
place called Kabaraza. In South Kivu, AFDL/APR/FAB soldiers erected
numerous barriers on the Ruzizi plain to stop Rwandan and Burundian
refugees who had been dispersed after their camps had been dismantled.

http://www.google.ca/gwt/x?gl=CA&source=s&u=http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Africa/Africa-Monitor/2010/0826/Bombshell-UN-report-leaked-Crimes-of-genocide-against-Hutus-in-Congo&hl=en-CA&ei=V3d2U-TwGsjrmQeiooD4Dg&wsc=vb

*DHR* Re: [Rudahunga] Itanganzo: Misse du 17/05/2014 pour tous les
victimes des genocides rwandais

Olivier Nduhungirehe oliviernduhungirehe@yahoo.fr
[Democracy_Human_Rights] – 16:22

à democracy_human_rights, rwanda-l, imbona-nkubone

Bwana
Ignace Rudahunga,

Uragira
uti : « Ese buriya uwavuga ko
loni yohereje akanama kayo gukora iperereza kuri kiriya kibazo,ako
kanama kagashyira ahagaragara raporo bakunze kwita mapping yaba
abeshye? »

Iki kibazo ubajije aha ntabwo
gisubiza ibibazo nari nabajije Padiri Thomas Nahimana. Kuba Mapping
Report yarabayeho, ibyo ntawe ubihakana. Twese turabizi. Ndagirango
aha ariko nkwibutse ko Nahimana we yari yanditse ngo « Jenoside
yakorewe Abahutu iri mu nzira zo kwemezwa na LONI ».

Iyo umuntu yanditse atya,
aba ashatse kutubwira ko au sein des Nations Unies, hari procédure
judiciaire ou administrative yatangiye, igamije kwemeza iyo jenoside.
Or, nakubwira
ko iyo procédure nta yihari. Uribuka ko na Mapping Report itigeze
yemeza ko muri Congo habaye jenoside yakorewe abahutu, ahubwo yo
yavuze ko ibyaha byabaye
muri Kongo, biramutse bitangiwe ibimenyetso n'inkiko zabugenewe,
bishobora kwitwa jenoside.

Or, non seulement twese tuzi
ko urwo rukiko nta rwigeze rushyirwaho, mais surtout tuzi ko yaba Umunyamabanga
Mukuru w'Umuryango w'Abibumbye, yaba Conseil de Sécurité, nta n'umwe wigeze aha
agaciro iriya Mapping Report. Iyi rapport dore imaze imyaka hafi ine
(4) mu kabati, ndetse na nyirayo Navi Pillay, urangije mandat ye nka
Haut Commissaire aux Droits de l'Homme, akaba atarigeze yinsista kuri
iyo ngingo.

Umuntu rero akaba yakwibaza
aho Padiri Nahimana yavanye ko « Jenoside yakorewe Abahutu iri mu
nzira zo kwemezwa na LONI » ! Dore rwose ni iyi nteruro navugaga ko
idahuye n'ukuri.

Umugoroba mwiza.

Olivier NDUHUNGIREHE

--
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“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

KOMEZA USOME AMAKURU N'IBITEKEREZO BYA VUBA BYAGUCITSE:

RECOMMENCE

RECOMMENCE

1.Kumenya Amakuru n’amateka atabogamye ndetse n’Ibishobora Kukugiraho Ingaruka ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.

2.Kwisanzura mu Gutanga Ibitekerezo, Kurwanya Ubusumbane, Akarengane n’Ibindi Byose Bikubangamiye ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.