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Saturday, 15 November 2014

[RwandaLibre] Canada: Families of two Canadian priests killed in Rwanda still wait for justice - The Globe and Mail

 


Families of two Canadian priests killed in Rwanda still wait for justice

JOHANNESBURG AND MONTREAL — THE GLOBE AND MAIL

From left: Canadian priests Guy Pinard and Claude Simard, and Paul Kagame, then leader of the rebel Rwanda Patriotic Front, just after the 1994 genocide began. Today his ambassador blames their death on 'thugs' and 'stray bullets.' (REUTERS)



Rev. Claude Simard likely shared his last meal with his killers. He let the men into his home and gave them plates of papaya, investigators found. Then he was beaten to death with a carpenter's hammer and left in a pool of blood in the corner where he usually prayed.

Nobody has ever been brought to justice for the murder of the Canadian priest. But an internal United Nations report, prepared within weeks of the killing and obtained recently by The Globe and Mail, concludes that Father Simard was killed by soldiers loyal to Paul Kagame, the long-time Rwandan leader who remains in power today. A separate investigation by another UN officer found similar evidence of military involvement.

Father Simard led a humble and austere life in Rwanda, but he also had a dangerous habit: He made tape recordings documenting killings by the government that took power after the 1994 genocide. Those recordings were the likely reason for his slaying, the UN reports found.

Another Canadian priest, Rev. Guy Pinard, took a similar risk: He openly criticized Rwandan authorities for their attacks on civilians. He was gunned down in front of hundreds of parishioners by a man with ties to the Rwandan military, according to an eyewitness. Father Pinard's colleagues and family say they believe he was killed in retaliation for his criticism.

Rwanda never charged anyone with Father Pinard's killing in 1997, three years after the Simard slaying. But a Spanish court, in a broader indictment of Rwandan senior officers in 2008 for international crimes, named a Rwandan lieutenant-general as the person ultimately responsible.

An investigation by The Globe and Mail raises questions about Canada's policy toward Rwanda in the 20 years since the genocide. The Globe's investigation into the murder of the two Canadian priests found new revelations – from a former Rwandan intelligence officer, from an eyewitness to one of the killings, and from reports by the Canadian-led UN peacekeeping force at the time – that implicate the security forces of the government of President Kagame, which Canada has supported for two decades.

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A spokesman for the Foreign Affairs Department said Canada "took note" of the reports of the UN investigation into the Simard killing. But Canadian officials have never publicly acknowledged the evidence in the UN reports. Had they done so, Ottawa might have been under pressure to reconsider its support for the Rwandan government.

Despite knowing that the UN reports had pointed to Rwandan soldiers as Father Simard's killers, Canada has given $500-million in aid to Rwanda over the past two decades, including $30-million last year. In recent years most of the aid has been channelled through civil-society groups and independent agencies for projects in areas such as agriculture and rural development.

Departmental spokesmen did not respond directly when asked by The Globe and Mail via e-mail whether Canada took any action as a result of the UN reports, or if it did anything to bring the perpetrators to justice, aside from pressing Rwanda to investigate. Asked why Canada gave foreign aid to a country accused of killing Canadian citizens, Adam Hodge, a spokesman for Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird, said only that Canada would "continue to encourage" the development of democracy and accountability in Rwanda. "Since 1994, Canada has raised the issue of Canadians killed in Rwanda on numerous occasions with the Rwandan authorities, insisting on the importance of an in-depth investigation. Canada does not have the legal means to investigate without the full support of the Rwandan authorities," he said in an e-mail.

The Kagame government has been widely praised for its army's historical role in routing extremists who were responsible for the Rwandan genocide, and for its economic reforms since then. But there is growing global concern about its human-rights abuses, including the disappearance, killing or jailing of suspected critics at home.

The Globe and Mail has also reported evidence that the government has plotted the assassination of exiled opponents.

Vincent Karega, the Rwandan high commissioner to South Africa, said nobody in the Rwandan government will comment on the murder of the two Canadian priests because the cases are "an old story."

The killings could have been caused by "thugs" or stray bullets, he said. "Rwanda was quite unstable and insecure in some regions during that time," Mr. Karega said in an e-mail in response to questions from The Globe and Mail.

"What I know is that there was no conflict or war between Rwanda and Canada and I don't see any political interest in deliberately murdering these priests."

The most extensive of the reports on Father Simard's death, never before made public, was written by an investigator at the UN civilian police on Nov. 1, 1994, two weeks after Father Simard was killed. It said a Canadian officer in the UN peacekeeping force had been warned that Father Simard's life was in imminent danger because he was gathering evidence of crimes by government soldiers.

The warning came from a former local UN official who remained in regular contact with the priest. But the warning was never passed on, even though it could have saved Father Simard's life. The report said UN military observers may have stepped in and offered protection had they known of the grave danger Father Simard was in.

A separate report – written by Canadian investigator Tim Isberg, a UN military observer in the peacekeeping force at the time – said the killers did not take the priest's wallet or valuables when they left his house after bludgeoning him to death. Later investigations found that the killers did take the audio cassettes on which he had recorded information about Rwandan military crimes – cassettes that he planned to hand over to UN officials, according to people interviewed by the investigators.

A few days before his death, Father Simard met Rwandan interior minister Seth Sendashonga and asked him to tell the Rwandan military to stop its reprisal attacks on his parishioners. In 1996, in an interview with Quebec documentary filmmaker Yvan Patry, the former interior minister said he believed the priest was killed by the Rwandan military with the approval of higher-level Rwandan officials.

By then, Mr. Sendashonga had broken with the Kagame government and was living in exile in Kenya. He was assassinated in Nairobi two years later, in 1998, by unidentified gunmen. His family and supporters said the Rwandan government was responsible for his murder, although nobody was convicted.

Relatives and friends of the two Canadian priests say they are disappointed that Canada never properly investigated the murders of the priests.

Father Simard's sister, Gervaise Simard-Granger, who died this past August, said the department had promised a Canadian investigation in 1994. She wrote in June, 1995, to André Ouellet, the foreign-affairs minister at the time, to ask why the promised investigation had failed to materialize.

"When his death was first announced, officials from your ministry called me to say that Canada would undertake an investigation, that it would be done by November, 1994, and since that time we've received no news," she wrote.

"One can understand those Rwandans who know the murderers yet prefer to stay quiet in the face of this cruel act, out of fear for their lives. However, we question Canada's silence in this matter."

In Rwanda for 29 years

Father Simard, a Catholic priest from Quebec, had lived in Rwanda for 29 years, building schools and churches for the country's poor. Refusing to flee Rwanda during its 100 days of genocide, he helped to find shelter for Tutsis who might have otherwise been slaughtered. He also used a cassette recorder to make audio tapes of the machine guns and explosions in a nearby valley where Tutsis were being massacred.

After the genocide, with Mr. Kagame's Tutsi-based army now in control of the country, the Canadian priest was disturbed to see a new cycle of revenge killings against Hutus in the region around Ruyenzi, the village where he lived. He began to record his observations of the atrocities, the same technique he had used during the genocide.

On the morning of Oct. 18, 1994, his cook and gardener found Father Simard's dead body. His hands were tied behind him and he'd been gagged with a towel. Next to his body was the murder weapon – a carpenter's hammer. On the dining-room table were three plates with the remains of the papaya meal that he is believed to have shared with the killers that night.

Major Isberg was the first investigator to arrive at the murder scene, accompanied by two other UN officials. To his surprise, Rwandan soldiers blocked his way, refusing to allow him to enter the building until senior Rwandan military chiefs had arrived.

"It did make me kind of curious," said Major Isberg, who wrote two reports within days of the murder and a follow-up report in March, 1995. "Why was this such a big deal? Every other incident I'd gone to, I'd never really had an issue. This one was somehow different."

When he finally got access to the murder scene, Major Isberg found that Father Simard's valuables were still in the room, and his house key was still in his pocket, suggesting, because there was no sign of forced entry, that he had allowed the killers to enter. "Something was not right," he said in an interview with The Globe. "There was no robbery. My feeling was that he knew he was going to die from the moment they showed up."

His investigation found a range of evidence pointing to the likely involvement of Mr. Kagame's army, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA). People interviewed for the investigation said they had seen three men arriving at Father Simard's house that evening in a dark blue car in which RPA soldiers had been seen previously. After the murder, the same car was seen leaving the house, around 8:30 p.m.

The separate UN civilian police report on Nov. 1, 1994, described how the RPA had put Father Simard under surveillance and interrogated him five times in the months before his murder. The report concluded that the army had probably learned of Father Simard's plans to give his audio recordings to a UN official, to document the army's crimes in the region.

"From all indications, Father Claude Simard was murdered by RPA," the report said. "The image of the RPA was at stake and they could not simply sit by. Father Claude Simard was about to expose them with a recorded cassette of their crimes."

Witnesses were afraid to give information about the murder because they risked being killed by the RPA, the report said.

A week before his death, Father Simard told a former UN official that he was "very afraid for his life because the RPA was out to eliminate him," the report said. The priest told him that RPA soldiers "were killing innocent people" in his parish, it said.

The former UN official immediately gave this information to a Canadian military officer, at the local headquarters of the UN peacekeeping force in a nearby Rwandan city, but the Canadian officer apparently stayed silent. "There is no evidence whatsoever that he passed on this information to someone," the report said.

If this officer had acted on the information, Father Simard's death might have been prevented, the report found.

Major Isberg's follow-up report in March, 1995, concluded that the murder may have been "organized from a relatively senior level" and that the facts were "deliberately hidden."

Many RPA officers had visited the village after the murder, warning villagers not to discuss the case with UN officials or journalists, Major Isberg wrote.

"Before his death, Simard appeared to be upset and scared," said his report, based on interviews with confidential sources. "It is known that he had written to a Canadian colleague about the problems … and that he had documented some of the information. This letter and cassettes were taken the night of his death."

While the Canadian government said it did not have the right to investigate inside Rwanda without the Rwandan government's support, Major Isberg said he was never approached by investigators from the Canadian government for details of Father Simard's murder.

"It's more than disappointing," he said. "It's another part of the Father Simard tragedy, because it's a tragic situation if Canadian officials don't take interest. Canadian officials certainly had a responsibility from a Foreign Affairs perspective to investigate a murder of a Canadian citizen on foreign territory."

A former member of Mr. Kagame's military intelligence agency, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the potential threat to him if he is identified, told The Globe and Mail that the killing of Father Simard was a planned operation by the RPA's intelligence department to recover the priest's cassette recordings.

"They were scared of one thing: the information they suspected he had," said the former official, who broke with Mr. Kagame. "Simard was a witness willing to reveal what he saw. He was a key figure, among others."

Father Simard was far from the only foreigner to be targeted in Rwanda. Several other priests, aid volunteers and a school director – including Father Pinard, eight Spaniards, a Belgian and a Croatian – were killed by suspected RPA assailants between 1994 and 2000. "Foreigners who witnessed killings and were suspected of informing international opinion were targeted," University of Antwerp professor Filip Reyntjens writes in his recent book, Political Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda.

Father Pinard, a 61-year-old Catholic priest from Quebec who had worked in Rwanda for 35 years, was shot dead in his church on Feb. 2, 1997. He was giving communion to his parishioners on a Sunday morning when a man in a trench coat joined the line. He received communion from Father Pinard, then pulled a pistol from his pocket and shot the priest in the back.

"He fell to the floor and died immediately," said a Rwandan who witnessed the killing and spoke to The Globe on condition of anonymity.

"His blood flowed. It was horrible. Then panic ensued. The crowd began to scatter. People were falling over each other."

The witness said the gunman was a well-known local man who had close ties to Mr. Kagame's ruling political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, and was the brother of an army lieutenant. Even though the killing was witnessed by hundreds of parishioners, the killer was not charged and was allowed to continue working as a local teacher, the witness said.

Letter identifies killer

The witness said he was interrogated and beaten by Rwandan soldiers after the murder because he was known to be close to Father Pinard and had witnessed the crime. He fled to Kenya and handed a detailed five-page account of the killing to the Canadian high commission in Nairobi, a copy of which has been obtained by The Globe. The letter includes the name of the man that the witness identified as carrying out the killing.

Colleagues of Father Pinard say the witness is credible and honest, and they agreed with his explanation that Father Pinard was killed because he was openly criticizing the Rwandan army and security forces for their attacks on Rwandan civilians.

"He was a serious, frank man," the witness said in an interview. "He defended the weak. He condemned the disappearances, assassinations and arbitrary arrests that were occurring. He would denounce crimes openly during his sermons. He spoke of everything, even in front of RPF members sitting in the church."

He said the Canadian high commission did not respond to his detailed report. "No one called me for an interview or even responded."

In 2008, a Spanish court invoked the doctrine of universal jurisdiction – which holds that crimes of genocide and torture are so serious that those accused of committing them can be tried anywhere. It indicted 40 senior RPA officers for crimes committed between 1994 and 2000, and named Emmanuel Karenzi Karake, head of military intelligence during that period, as the person ultimately responsible for the death of Father Pinard and other civilians.

By 2008, Lieutenant-General Karake had been deployed to a United Nations and African Union peacekeeping mission in Darfur, where he was serving as deputy commander. The Canadian government publicly questioned his UN appointment and asked whether it was "convenient" to have him serving on a peacekeeping force when he faced the Spanish indictment.

Lt.-Gen. Karake currently heads Rwanda's National Intelligence and Security Services. So far, no senior Rwandan official has been arrested or extradited to face charges by the Spanish court.

Canada, too, has the authority to use universal jurisdiction, under its Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act. Two Rwandan nationals living in Canada – Hutus accused of committing crimes against Tutsis during the genocide – have already been tried.

Lloyd Axworthy, the Canadian foreign-affairs minister at the time of the Pinard murder, announced afterward that the Rwandan authorities had promised a "full investigation." He said Canada expected "an investigation that will lead to the prosecution of the guilty party."

Roger Tessier, a priest in the missionary society known as the White Fathers, to which Father Pinard belonged, said the RCMP came to see him in Nairobi after the murder, but he didn't have the impression that they were very interested in the case. Richard Dandenault, another priest and friend now living in Sherbrooke, Que., said there was no real follow-up by the Canadian authorities.

Louise Roy, sister-in-law of Father Pinard, said the priest knew that his life was in danger, but he refused to leave Rwanda. "He was very outspoken and the Rwandan government was afraid of him talking," she said in an interview.

"I don't recall the Canadian government ever calling us back to say that any investigation had been done, or that it had found out anything," she said. "The Canadian government never did much about this. I don't think it was that important to them."

Geoffrey York is The Globe and Mail's Africa correspondent and Judi Rever is a freelance writer based in Montreal.

Follow  on Twitter: @geoffreyyork




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Posted by: JNepo <jnmani03@yahoo.com>
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Re: [RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* INKOTANY ZISHE MAMA NDEBA...NARI MFITE IMYAKA 8.

 

Mureke aya ma propaganda maladroites...

De : "Samuel Desire sam4des@yahoo.com [RwandaLibre]" <RwandaLibre@yahoogroups.com>
À : "rwandalibre@yahoogroups.com" <rwandalibre@yahoogroups.com>
Envoyé le : Vendredi 14 novembre 2014 17h27
Objet : [RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* INKOTANY ZISHE MAMA NDEBA...NARI MFITE IMYAKA 8.

 
----- Forwarded Message -----
From: "James Ntibanyurwa rwandinfo@yahoo.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
To: "Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Sent: Friday, 14 November 2014, 19:57
Subject: *DHR* INKOTANY ZISHE MAMA NDEBA...NARI MFITE IMYAKA 8.

 
Bwana Paul Arakwiye aradutekerereza ukuntu abasirikari b'Inkotanyi barashe nyina Mukandoli Anne-Marie wari Bourgmestre wa Komine Karengera mu mwaka w'1996, bamusanze iwe imuhira.


Envoyé par : James Ntibanyurwa <rwandinfo@yahoo.com>


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Posted by: Emmanuel Gasinzigwa <egasinzigwa@yahoo.fr>
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Friday, 14 November 2014

[RwandaLibre] Reka dusesengure Umwicanyi kabuhariwe Paul Kagame.

 

Reka dusesengure  Umwicanyi kabuhariwe Paul Kagame.
 
Bavandimwe,
 
Hari burya ibintu bimwe tutumva mu myifatire ya Kagame n'abatutsi be. Iyo ndeba Kagame n'abaja be bigaragambya ngo BBC hari icyo yavuze ku bibazo by'u Rwanda, bintera kwibaza byinshi:
 
1) Ese  Kagame abona ko azashobora twese n'isi yose kudushyiramo ibitekerezo bye , tukavuga ibyo ashaka n'ighe ashakiye kandi kugeza igihe isi izashirira?
2) Ese azakomeza gucunga ku bivugawa ku Rwanda ku isi  hose  kugeza ryari ?
3) Ese azanakomeza abicungire mu mva ? Cyangwa  yizeye ko abazasigara inyuma bazabimukorera?
 
Nimureba namwe aho  ibintu bigeze. Kagame ntacyo atatanga kugira ngo inkuru  yavuze kugeza  magingo aya abe ariyo ikomeza kuvugwa. Abikora n' ingufu zose afite  azi ko atavuga ukuri.Ni uko azi ko ubwicanyi mu Rwanda  ariwe bureba kuko niwe wabutangije. 

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[RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* ISHYAKA RY’IMBERAKURI RIRATABARIZA IMFUNGWA CYANE CYANE IZIGIZE ITSINDA RYITIRIRWA GUTERA GERENADE MU KARERE KA MUSANZE. [1 pièce jointe]

 



 
ITANGAZO RIGENEWE ABANYAMAKURU No 020/PS IMB/014

ISHYAKA RY'IMBERAKURI RIRATABARIZA IMFUNGWA CYANE CYANE IZIGIZE
ITSINDA RYITIRIRWA GUTERA GERENADE MU KARERE KA MUSANZE.

Nyuma yaho ishyaka ry'Imberakuri risabiye leta ya Kigali kubwira
abanyarwanda imirambo ikomeje gutabururwa n'abafungwa mu byobo byo
kuri gereza ya Nyarugenge ari iya bande
(http://ikazeiwacu.fr/2014/11/12/nyarugenge-hafi-ya-gereza-ya-nyarugenge-havumbuwe-icyobo-cyatabwemo-imirambo-yabantu-benshi-ps-imberakuri/)
ndetse iyo mirambo igashimangirwa n'umuyobozi w'urwego rw'amagereza mu
Rwanda Gen.Maj RWARAKABIJE Paul
(http://imirasire.com/amakuru-yose/amakuru-mashya/mu-rwanda/article/kigali-hafi-ya-gereza-nkuru-ya-nyarugenge-hatoraguwe-imibiri-y-abantu),leta
ya Kigali yararuciye irarumira ahubwo ihitamo gutoteza bikomeye
imfungwa zifungiye muriyo gereza.

Ishyaka ry'Imberakuri rikaba ritangarije abanyarwanda,inshuti z'u
Rwanda,Imberakuri by'umwihariko ibi bikurikira:

Ejo kuwa 13 Ugushyingo 2014 nibwo abafungwa bagize itsinda ryitirirwa
gutera ibisasu mu karere ka Musanze bongeye kugezwa imbere y'urukiko
rukuru rwa Musanze,ariko abenshi muribo bagaragaza ko batiteguye
kuburana cyane ko bavugaga ko nta mwanya uhagije bahawe wo gusoma
amadosiye yabo kandi ko badafite n'abunganizi mu mategeko.Umucamanza
yahise afata icyemezo cyo gusubika urubanza rukazasubukurwa kuwa 11
Ukuboza 2014.Nyuma yuko izi mfungwa zigaruwe muri gereza ya Nyarugenge
kuko kugeza ubu ziburana zituruka muri iyo gereza kuva mu kwezi kwa
Cyenda 2014,abazicunga babiri bakorera urwego rwa gisirikare
rw'iperereza(DMI) n'umucungagereza bita Joachim bafashe izo mfungwa
bazibaza impamvu zanze kuburana nibwo abafungwa basobanuye ariko biba
iby'ubusa.Za DMI niko gufata izo mfungwa barazicunaguza birenze
urugero ndetse bafatamo imfungwa ebyiri (NIYITEGEKA Innocent alias
MUYAGA na NSENGIYUMVA Jonathan) bazishyira muri gasho iri imbere muri
gereza zizira ko izo mfungwa ebyiri zagandishije abandi bafungwa bari
mu itsinda rimwe bakanga kuburana.Ubuyobozi bwa gereza bukaba bwahise
butegeka ko NIYITEGEKA Innocent alias MUYAGA na NSENGIYUMVA Jonathan
bafungirwa muriyo cachot bambaye amapingu mu maguru no mu maboko
ndetse ubuyobozi butegeka ko batemerewe gusurwa n'imiryango
yabo.Twabibutsa ko izi mfungwa zo mu itsinda ryitiriwe gutera grenade
mu karere ka Musanze zishinjwa ubwicanyi,gukomeretsa ku
bushake,gukorana na FDLR,gutera ibisasu no kwinjiza intwaro mu karere
ka Musanze.Izi mfungwa kandi uko ari 15 nizo leta ya Kigali yakuyemo
uwari umunyamabanga nshingwabikorwa w'umurenge wa Cyuve NSENGIMANA
Alfred ikamurasa ku manwa y'ihangu hasigara imfungwa 14.

Mu bigaragara leta ya Kigali yiyemeje kumara abanyarwanda bikaba
akarusho kubo ifunze mu magereza yayo atandukanye,ariko iyo bivuzwe
n'itangazamakuru cyangwa se amashyaka atavugarumwe na leta,leta ya
Kigali ibihakana yivuye inyuma nyamara imiryango itegamiye kuri leta
nka Human Right Watch ntako itagira kugirango ibe yasura izi mfungwa
zirengana ariko leta ntibikozwa kuko niyo yiyerurukije ikemerera
abashakashatsi biyo miryango gusura gereza ntibemerera kugera imbere
muri gereza (mu kwezi ku Ugushyingo 2013,Gashyantare 2014 ubuyobozi
bwa gereza ya Nyarugenge bwimye uruhushya rwo kwinjira imbere muri
gereza uhagaririye Human Right Watch),ari naho ubuyobozi bw'amagereza
buhera buvuga ko abafungwa baba bashakwa naba bashakashatsi banze
gusohoka muri gereza kandi nyamara baba bafungiye muri za Kasho zo mu
magereza abandi bahondagurirwa imbere murayo magereza.Kuba rero
ubuyobozi bw'amagereza butatinyuka kwerekana izo mfungwa kubera
iyicarubozo inzego za gereza ziba zakoreye imfungwa ni ibishimangira
ko ibyo ishyaka ry'Imberakuri kimwe n'ayandi atavuga rumwe na leta
iyobowe na FPR ndetse n'itangazamakuru aba yavuze ari ukuri.

Ishyaka PS Imberakuri rirasaba ubuyobozi bw'urwego rw'amagereza mu
Rwanda (RCS)cyane cyane ubuyobozi bwa gereza ya Nyarugenge kwemera
ndetse no guha uburenganzira bugenwa n'amategeko imfungwa zifungiye
muriyo gereza,imfungwa zigizwe n'itsinda ryitirirwa gutera grenade
mu karere ka Musanze n'imfungwa zishinjwa guhungabanya umudendezo
w'igihugu zigafatwa kimwe nizindi mfungwa bityo ubuyobozi bwa gereza
bugahagarika iyicarubozo bukomeje gukorera izi mfungwa.

Ishyaka PS Imberakuri rikomeje gusaba abanyarwanda bakomeje
kurenganywa n'ubutegetsi buyobowe na FPR gufatanya bakirengera kuko
bigaragarira buri wese ko ubutegetsi burangajwe imbere na FPR
Inkotanyi budateze kunamura icumu.

Alexis BAKUNZIBAKE

Umuyobozi wungirije

PS Imberakuri.
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Envoyé par : Bakunzibake Alexis <imberakuri.5@gmail.com>

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[RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* INKOTANY ZISHE MAMA NDEBA...NARI MFITE IMYAKA 8.

 

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From: "James Ntibanyurwa rwandinfo@yahoo.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
To: "Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Sent: Friday, 14 November 2014, 19:57
Subject: *DHR* INKOTANY ZISHE MAMA NDEBA...NARI MFITE IMYAKA 8.

 
Bwana Paul Arakwiye aradutekerereza ukuntu abasirikari b'Inkotanyi barashe nyina Mukandoli Anne-Marie wari Bourgmestre wa Komine Karengera mu mwaka w'1996, bamusanze iwe imuhira.


Envoyé par : James Ntibanyurwa <rwandinfo@yahoo.com>

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[RwandaLibre] Fw: *DHR* Rwanda: Le génocide des Tutsis n’avait pas été préparé quatre ans à l’avance

 

Oui on n'a rien perdu ! Il y en a d'autres qui ne verront pas  probablement le changement au Rwanda  comme Collette Breackman et plusieurs d'autres.

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From: "Shankuru Maurice m_shankuru3000@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
To: "Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>; JNepo Manirarora <jnmani03@yahoo.com>
Sent: Friday, 14 November 2014, 14:37
Subject: Re: *DHR* Rwanda: Le génocide des Tutsis n'avait pas été préparé quatre ans à l'avance

 
Par André Guichaoua (Professeur des universités [Emérite] , sociologue). Il est parti à la retraite A. Guichaoua, le monde scientifique n'a rien perdu, ou n'a pas perdu grand chose.



Le Vendredi 14 novembre 2014 15h14, "JNepo jnmani03@yahoo.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> a écrit :


 

Le genocide des Tutsis n'avait pas été préparé quatre ans à l'avance

Le Monde.fr |  13.11.2014 à 10h09  • Mis à jour le  13.11.2014 à 11h19
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Au cours des 20 années d'existence du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda(TPIR), le travail de vérité et l'œuvre de justice ont avancé de pair pour illustrer et comprendre les très concrètes « politiques du génocide ». Il ne s'agissait plus alors de questionner le « pourquoi » de ce génocide, dont tant de conférences et colloques exposaient les fondements présumés, mais de répondre au « comment ».

Comment, quand, qui a décidé, mis en œuvre, entretenu pendant trois mois le génocide des Rwandais tutsis au printemps 1994. Cette histoire factuelle de l'accomplissement des massacres s'est attachée à établir le plus objectivement possible comment « les choses se sont passées » dans les différentes préfectures, selon les groupes d'acteurs et les individus.
L'impressionnante documentation et les savoirs accumulés grâce aux investigations et aux dispositifs d'enquêtes de terrain mis en œuvre par le TPIR constituent des acquis incontournables.
L'histoire de la guerre enclenchée par la rébellion du Front patriotique rwandais (FPR) en octobre 1990 et du génocide de 1994 est une histoire complexe. Elle éclaire les processus de décision au sommet, les stratégies d'exacerbation du clivage ethnique par les blocs armés – forces régulières et rebelles - et celles visant à étouffer les aspirations et les forces démocratiques, elle éclaire aussi la volonté d'en découdre de ces mêmes blocs armés à partir du 6 avril, après l'attentat contre l'avion présidentiel.
Cette histoire s'efforce de reconstituer la mise en place du gouvernement du génocide et sa prise de contrôle de l'appareil d'État. Les enquêtes restituent les ambitions, les calculs et les actions des entrepreneurs de massacres, mais aussi les résistances aux ordres de tuer et les sauvetages de Tutsis et d'opposants en danger de mort.
Les résultats de ces recherches ont fait l'objet de dépositions contradictoires devant les chambres du TPIR et nourri de nombreux jugements. Ainsi, au nom des faits examinés, les juges de toutes les chambres se sont refusé à entériner une histoire intentionnaliste du génocide des Tutsi qui voudrait qu'il ait été préparé depuis 1990 au début de la guerre déclenchée par le FPR, voire depuis la proclamation de la République « hutu » en 1959, selon l'actuelle vulgate proclamée.
On comprend mieux alors l'animosité des autorités rwandaises suscitée notamment par les jugements les plus importants et les plus récents du TPIR visant les accusés réputés être les cerveaux du génocide qui ont systématiquement refusé d'entériner les postulats de l'historiographie officielle selon laquelle les différentes composantes de l'État rwandais étaient autant d'organisations criminelles.
Le gouvernement en place le 6 avril 1994 n'était pas génocidaire. Son Premier ministre (assassinée le 7 avril) et le Haut commandement militaire n'étaient pas génocidaires. Le génocide est l'aboutissement d'une stratégie politique, mise en œuvre à partir du 7 avril par des groupes politico-militaires extrémistes hutus, ceux qui avaient le plus à perdre s'ils ne s'imposaient pas, qui ont estimé qu'après l'attentat et la reprise inéluctable de la guerre le moment était venu de trancher par les armes le conflit avec le FPR et d'en finir avec les forces politiques qui le soutenaient à l'intérieur. Le gouvernement intérimaire alors constitué a ensuite érigé le génocide des Tutsi en « politique publique ».
Cette issue n'était ni fatale ni anticipée, au fil des jours et des semaines, les logiques de confrontation paroxystique n'ont pu être poussées aussi loin que parce que les protagonistes ont refusé toute autre issue, que les coûts humains induits leur ont paru acceptables au regard des objectifs poursuivis.
Elle ne relève d'aucune malédiction historique ou atavisme propre à un continent, un peuple, une ethnie, elle n'est pas le fruit d'une conspiration internationale, elle est l'œuvre d'individus et de groupes clairement identifiés dont il est possible désormais de décrire les stratagèmes auxquels ils ont recouru pour déclencher ce cataclysme, et entretenirtrois mois durant la mécanique des massacres. La plupart d'entre eux ont été jugés et condamnés.
D'autres, et notamment les responsables du FPR, auquel le TPIR a accordé une impunité complète, le seront nécessairement car les crimes liés au génocide, aux crimes de guerre et contre l'humanité sont imprescriptibles. Pour autant bien des épisodes demeurent encore méconnus et il importe de comblerl'écart entre l'abondance des données relatives au génocide et au régime Habyarimana et l'indigence des informations relatives à la stratégie et aux objectifs de guerre du camp vainqueur et de sessoutiens étrangers, une guerre dont ils ont pris et gardé l'initiative pendant ces quatre années.
Certes, la vérité judiciaire est une vérité soumise à des normes spécifiques, elle est aussi relative aux savoirs disponibles lors des procédures et aux éléments de preuves soumis aux juges du TPIR par les parties. À ce jour, aucune autre instance n'a mobilisé autant de moyens pour les établir, ni ne dispose d'éléments majeurs qui n'auraient pas été pris en compte. Sur tous les dossiers, les autorités rwandaises ont pu fournir les témoins et preuves accréditant leurs thèses.
Dans ce contexte, qu'elles accusent de parti pris politique des juges dont les décisions et analyses ne leur conviennent pas relève d'une approche qui n'a rien à voir avec la vérité et la justice. En l'état des preuves disponibles et des faits établis, cette contestation relève d'une pure stratégie de dénégation, au profit d'une histoire officielle..
Par André Guichaoua (Professeur des universités, sociologue)






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“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

KOMEZA USOME AMAKURU N'IBITEKEREZO BYA VUBA BYAGUCITSE:

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1.Kumenya Amakuru n’amateka atabogamye ndetse n’Ibishobora Kukugiraho Ingaruka ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.

2.Kwisanzura mu Gutanga Ibitekerezo, Kurwanya Ubusumbane, Akarengane n’Ibindi Byose Bikubangamiye ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.