Nta muhezanguni uzongera kuyobora u Rwanda; Kagame niwe wa nyuma

http://hungryoftruth.blogspot.com/2013_07_01_archive.html

Nta muhezanguni uzongera kuyobora u Rwanda; Kagame niwe wa nyuma

Inkuru ya Béatrice Uwamahoro

Tariki ya 13 Nyakanga 2013.

Muri iyi minsi nashimishijwe cyane n'ukuntu Bwana Joseph Ngarambe, Umunyamabanga Mukuru w'Ihuriro-RNC, aherutse kugira icyo uvuga kuri Bwana Simeon Musengimana, umunyamakuru ufite Radiyo yitwa Ijwi rya Rubanda.

Mu by'ukuri umuntu ashishoje neza asanga iriya Radio Ijwi rya Rubanda ya Bwana Simeon Musengimana irimo gukora umurimo yo guca ibice muri opposition ishingiye ku moko nk'uko Radiyo RTLM yabigenje mu 1994. Mwibuke ko duhereye ku mahame remezo ya Radiyo RTLM, dusanga iyi radiyo nta shyaka yakoreraga. Ariko mu by'ukuri ibyo iyi radiyo yavugaga byo kwangisha abahutu abatutsi byari intero imwe n'amashyaka nka CDR na za Power z'ayandi mashyaka. Radiyo Ijwi rya Rubanda rero na yo n'ubwo itavuga uwo ikorera ngo bigaragare, iyo urebye neza usanga ikorera amashyaka nk'Ishema ndetse n'abandi bantu barekereje bategereje gusarura aho batabibye bagasimbukira ku byiza amashyaka ya oppositition amaze kugeraho ibyo byose bakazabikora mu buryo bw'ubuhezanguni igihe nyacyo nikigera. Urugero natanga ni uko ejobundi i Brighton, UK, Bwana Padiri Thomas Nahimana, Umuyobozi Mukuri w'Ishyaka Ishema, yavuze ko Bwana Simeo Musengimana ari mucuti we mu gihe bari bamubajije impamvu amaradio amwe n'amwe abiba inzangano mu banyarwanda. Bwana Padiri Thomas Nahimana yarengeye Bwana Simeo Musengimana, aramutaka karahava. Ni yo mpamvu numva ko ishyaka Ishema ryagombye gukemangwa ku byerekeranye no guhuza abanyarwanda.

Ikigaragara kandi ni uko abahezanguni (extremistes) bashaka byanze bikunze gusarura aho opposition nziza yabibye. Ndashaka kuvuga ko opposition ihuza kandi ivugira abanyarwanda bose (cyane cyane plateforme FDU-Inkingi+Ihuriro- RNC+PC-Amahoro+PS-Imberakuri) imaze kujegeza ubutegetsi bwa Kigali ku buryo bugaragara none abahezanguni batari bafite ingufu mu baturage barashaka gukoresha ikarita y'ubwoko hutu/nyamwinshi kugira ngo bahite bafatirana ibintu mu maguru mashya, maze ibintu bijye ku ruhande rwabo (they want to hijack the momentum). Ibi bashobora kubigeraho kuko hakiri abanyarwanda benshi bagifite ibitekerezo byoroshye byo gukurikira umunyapolitiki uyu n'uyu kubera ubwoko akomokamo. Ariko nanone aba bahezanguni bashobora no kutabigeraho mu gihe opposition nziza, ishaka ubumwe bw'abanyarwanda bose, iramutse ikomeje kwerekana ko ishyize hamwe, igakomeza kwigaragariza abanyarwanda hamwe, ikanasohora inyandiko cyangwa amatangazo ahuriweho n'impande zose (communiqués conjoints) yamagana amacakubiri ashingiye ku moko.

Politiki y'amoko ni yo yoretse igihugu cyacu kuva cyabona ubwigenge kugeza uno munsi. Iyi politiki niyongera guhabwa intebe rero ibintu bizasubira iyo byavuye. Kuyirwanya birasaba ukwemera kutajegajega (conviction), gukaza umurego (courage), no kwihangana (patience). Ntabwo abahutu bagombye kwitwaza ubwinshi bwabo kuko muri iki gihe bigaragara ko n'ubwo FDLR ari nto cyane ikomeje gutesha umutwe ubutegetsi bw'i Kigali. N'abatutsi kandi baba bake ariko bagahungabanya (destabliser) igihugu.

Mu by'ukuri abanyarwanda bose bakozweho n'amahano yose yagwiriye igihugu cyacu. Muri iki gihe niba abahutu bafite ibibazo bagombye kwiyumvisha ko byabaye urujya n'uruza (cercle vicieux) amoko yombi yagiye asimburanamo. Ntabwo abatutsi bishimiye kuba icyabaye cyose barishwe (1959, 1960+, 1973, na 1994), umubare wabo utari muto ugahezwa ishyanga imyaka irenga 30, abasigaye mu gihugu ntibagire ijambo ku butegetsi bwa Repubulika ya mbere n'iya kabiri, bigeretseho no kubima amashuri. Muzi ko amwe mu mashuri yigenga nka za APACOPE yagiyeho kugira ngo azahure abana b'abatutsi bityo na bo bige.  Tuzi kandi ko hari abatutsi benshi bahirimbiriye mu byaro kandi bari abahanga muri primaire. Turabyibaza bikatuyobera. Muzi ko mu majyaruguru ishuri (classe) ryose cyangwa hafi yaryose ryimukiraga muri secondaire mu gihe ahandi gutsindisha batatu, batanu cyangwa se icumi maximum byabaga ari umuhigo ukomeye. Iringaniza se ryari rigamije iki ko ubundi hagombye kuringanira amanota? Je trouve ça totalement absurde!

Muzi ko Habyarimana Juvenal yafashe ubutegetsi ku mbunda, akica ikipe yakuyeho yose, agakuraho amashyaka menshi (yanize democratie aho kuyigisha no kuyikundisha abaturage), akarema akazu n'igisirikare kiyoborwa n'aba officiers bakomoka mu Ruhengeli no ku Gisenyi bigamije kubungabunga ubutegetsi ngo butava mu maboko y'amajyaruguru. Padiri Siridion Sindambiwe, Depute Felicula Nyiramutarambirwa, Colonel Mayuya n'abandi, bazize gushaka guhangara igitugu na injustice byariho icyo gihe-nizere ko hari abandusha kubimenya neza.

Kuri ubu rero na ho, umututsi wese ushyira mu gaciro azi ko abahutu bishwe cyane bikurikiye genocide yakorewe abatutsi ndetse ubu akaba nta jambo decisif abahutu bafite mu butegetsi cyangwa mu maservices yose aho bashoboye kubona akazi. Abayobozi benshi ni abatutsi cyangwa abahutu bari muri FPR par gré ou par résignation.

En fait, formules za Kagame ni nk'iza Habyarimana. Gusa Habyarimana we byaramworoheye kubera ibihe by'ubujiji abantu bari barimo. Leur mode opératoire est le même, seulement l'intensité d'application diffère selon les circonstances et l'évolution des temps! 

Mpereye kuri bintu nk'ibi mvuze haruguru, nsanga abantu munganya experience na Bwana Simeon Musengimana mukaba muzi n'ibindi byinshi kundusha mwari mukwiye kubimwumvisha, we n'abandi batekereza nka we. Ndibuka ko conference ya Brighton, UK irangiye, ndetse ahari n'igihe Kagame yajyaga Oxford, muri Rwanda Day, Bwana Serge Ndayizeye, umunyamakuru wo kuri Radiyo Itahuka yashimiye Ijwi rya Rubanda kubera ko bafatanyije akazi ko kutugezaho ibintu en direct (en tant que confrères) ariko  Bwana Simeo Musengimana wa Radiyo Ijwi Rya Rubanda n'abo bafanije ntacyo bigeze bavuga bashimira Bwana Serge Ndayizeye na Radio Itahuka n'ukuntu yari yitanze kuva muri America. Ils n'ont meme pas un minimum de politesse professionnelle!

Umwanzuro :

Kuva u Rwanda rwabaho rwatuwe n'amoko atatu ariyo abatwa, abahutu, n'abatutsi  kandi ibihe tugezemo si ibyo gupfukirana abantu. Abanyarwanda dukwiye gukuraho tabouts, tugahura tukaganira byose ingingo ku yindi.  Abakuriye amashyaka ya opposition bagomba gutoza no gukangurira abayoboke babo kwikuramo ingengabitekerezo y'ubuhezanguni bushingiye ku moko (extremisme ethnique) bakabereka ukuntu iyo mwumvire mibi ariyo yoretse igihugu cyacu. Banyamashyaka rero nimufate ingamba zose zishoboka z'ukuntu u Rwanda rwaba urwa bose nta macenga apyinagaza bamwe nk'ayaranze ubutegetsi bwose bwabayeho mu Rwanda kugeza ubu. 

Igikwiye muri iki gihe ni ukurebera hamwe ukuntu twakumira ibitugumisha muri urwo rujya n'uruza rw'imvururu (cercle vicieux). Abakuriye opposition nziza, imwe ihuza abanyarwanda bose, nimukomeze umurego rero kuko hari abahutu n'abatutsi benshi bashaka kubana neza bakishimana, bagasangira igihugu bitarimo amaceka yo gukandamiza bamwe. Ntimutezuke rero, nta muhezanguni witwaje ubwo ubu n'ubu uzongera kuyobora u Rwanda; Kagame niwe wa nyuma. Nimuramuka munaniwe, ubwo nyine ntakundi, muzamenyeko FPR-Inkotanyi izakomeza kwikorera ibyo ishaka cyangwa ikazakurweho ku ngufu n'abantu b'intagondwa, maze abanyarwanda tukaguma muri iyo cercle vicieux.

Murararitswe.

Ni mu kanya, kuri uyu wa gatandatu, tariki ya 13 Nyakanga 2013, saa saba z'amanywa, isaha ya Washington DC.

http://www.blogtalkradio.com/radioitahuka/2013/07/13/ubutumwa-bwa-platform-fdu-rnc-amahoro-ps-imberakuri

UBUTUMWA BWA PLATFORM "FDU , RNC , AMAHORO ,PS IMBERAKURI )

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Topic: UBUTUMWA BWA PLATFORM " FDU , RNC , AMAHORO , PS IMBERAKURI " KURI PAUL KAGAME NDESTE N'ABANYARWANDA MURI RUSANGE 

Kurikira kuri Radio Itahuka kuwa gatandatu taliki 13/07/2013 saa 13 PM ET Washington DC Time, twandikire kuri radioitahuka@gmail.com or hamagara kuri 011 347 945 6449 maze ukande (1) niba ufite ikibazo cyangwa icyifuzo.

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Patrick Karegeya : «Nous savons d’où les missiles sont partis»

Patrick Kegeya quand il portait encore l'uniforme de l'armée rwandaise.

DR

Par RFI

Ancien chef des services de renseignement extérieur du Rwanda, Patrick Karegeya a fui le pays en 2007 et vit aujourd’hui en exil en Afrique du Sud. Comme le général Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, il accuse le président Kagame d’être responsable de l’attentat qui en avril 1994 a coûté la vie à Juvénal Kabyarimana. Tous deux se disent prêts à rencontrer le juge français en charge de l’enquête, Marc Trévidic.

Propos recueillis par notre envoyée spéciale en Afrique du sud, Sonia Rolley
Depuis quand connaissez-vous le président Kagame ?

Cela fait très longtemps. On était ensemble à l’école. Il devait être deux classes au-dessus de moi. Donc cela fait plus de trente ans.
Et vous avez travaillé ensemble dans l’armée ougandaise…
Oui, nous avons travaillé dans le même département, celui des renseignements militaires.
Quand avez-vous décidé de prendre les armes ?
Je crois que tout a commencé en 1987. Fred Rwigyema était toujours vivant et il y avait aussi d’autres officiers plus âgés que nous. Ils organisaient les réunions, décidaient qui parmi les officiers devaient y participer. Donc oui, nous participions aux réunions, puis nous retournions sur le terrain pour voir ce qui se passait. Et nous leur faisions notre rapport.
Quand est-ce que le président Kagame a pris le contrôle des opérations ? Et pourquoi lui ?

Pourquoi lui ? Parce que tous ceux qui étaient au-dessus de lui sont morts. Donc ça lui revenait de commander. Quand tout a commencé, il n’était pas là. Mais quand il est revenu, Fred est mort et les autres aussi, donc c’est lui qui a pris le commandement parce qu’il était en tête de liste. On a tous pensé qu’il était souhaitable qu’il prenne la tête des opérations et c’est ce qu’il a fait.
Donc il n’y avait aucune contestation à l’époque ?
Non, aucune. Ce serait compliqué pour des militaires de contester ce type de décision, ce n’est pas comme en politique. Et n’oubliez pas que nous étions en guerre, il n’y avait pas de place pour la politique ou des considérations démocratiques. Et puis ce n’est pas comme s’il prenait la tête du mouvement. Il y avait le Front patriotique rwandais et l’Armée patriotique rwandaise. Il a pris le contrôle de l’APR et du reste plus tard. Mais ça, ça s’est fait petit à petit, au fil des années, pendant la rébellion. Puis on a pris le pouvoir. Et ce n’est qu’en 1998 qu’il a pris la tête du FPR. Il a réussi à se défaire de tout le monde et même de son patron de l’époque, Bizimungu, qui était président. Et on doit tous plaider coupable parce que ça s’est passé sous nos yeux. Mais comme on était en guerre, personne n’a eu le courage de dire quoi que ce soit ou de convoquer une réunion pour ça. Donc les civils ont été pratiquement tous éjectés du mouvement. C’est devenu une institution militaire qui n’a conservé du FPR que le nom.
Mais on a toujours l’impression qu’il était en charge de tout, même à l’époque où Pasteur Bizimungu était président. Est-ce que tout ça n’était pas du décorum ?

Non, pas exactement. Il était à la tête de l’armée et tout dépendait de l’armée. Evidemment, tous ceux qui venaient avec un problème politique, ils étaient accusés d’abord de mettre en péril les efforts de guerre, puis de ne pas être suffisamment patriotes. Et très peu de gens finalement avait le courage de dire « il y a l’action militaire et il y a la politique ». Donc il a véritablement pris le contrôle de tout sans que personne n’ose dire quoi que ce soit ou même n’ose contredire ce qu’il disait. Il est devenu l’homme fort comme on dit.
Pourquoi ne contestiez-vous pas ces décisions ? Est-ce que vous ne considériez pas qu’il était le meilleur pour faire ce travail ?
Meilleur ou non, il était déjà en place. Donc on se contentait d’essayer d’arranger les choses, de le convaincre de ne pas faire certaines des choses terribles qu’il avait en tête. C’est pour ça qu’on a fait partie des dégâts collatéraux. On a essayé de lui dire que ce n’était pas bien, que ce n’était pas la bonne manière de faire les choses. Mais parce qu’il avait tous les pouvoirs, il a commencé à voir toutes les critiques ou même simplement les suggestions comme une remise en cause personnelle. C’est devenu évident qu’à un moment, il n’y avait plus de différence entre lui et l’Etat. Comme vous dites en France : « l’Etat, c’est moi ». Et maintenant qu’il a tous les pouvoirs, il se comporte en monarque absolu. Et personne ne peut contester ses décisions.
Vous accusez aujourd’hui le président Kagame d’être derrière l’attentat contre l’avion de Juvénal Habyarimana. Avez-vous des preuves de son implication ?

Si nous n’en avions pas, nous ne dirions pas ça. Evidemment, nous en avons. Nous ne spéculons pas. Nous ne sommes pas comme ceux qui essaient d’enquêter, qui disent que le missile venait de Kanombé (ndlr : camp militaire des FAR, l’armée rwandais de l’époque). Nous savons d’où les missiles sont partis, qui les a acheminés, qui a tiré. Nous ne spéculons pas. On parle de quelque chose que l’on connait.
Mais pourquoi ne le rendez-vous pas public ? Pourquoi les garder pour vous ?

Nous ne les gardons pas pour nous. Il n’y a pas eu d’enquête digne de ce nom. On ne veut pas livrer tout cela aux médias. Souvenez-vous que tout ceci aura des conséquences pour des gens. Les gens qui ont perdu leurs vies avaient une famille, des amis. Si je vous le dis, évidemment, vous allez le publier et ça ne va pas aider les victimes. Donc, on s’est toujours dit que ça devait se faire dans le cadre d’une enquête judiciaire, qu’on puisse dire dans ce cadre-là ce que l’on sait.
Le juge Trévidic ne vous a jamais contacté ?
Non, ces juges ne sont jamais venus vers nous. S’ils le font, nous le dirons ce que nous savons. Mais on ne peut pas leur forcer la main. S’ils souhaitent nous entendre, ils viendront. Et puis n’oubliez pas que ce sont des Français et que les victimes sont rwandaises. Donc on estime aussi que ce serait mieux si des Rwandais faisaient aussi ce travail… Mais ça, évidemment, ça ne pourra se faire qu’après le départ de Kagame. Nous n’espérons pas qu’il y ait une enquête judiciaire rwandaise pour le moment. Les Français ont pris la liberté de le faire, mais aucun d’eux n’est venu nous voir.
Est-ce que vous êtes impliqué dans cette attaque ?
Non, mais ça ne veut pas dire que je ne sais pas ce qui s’est passé.
Et vous n’occupiez pas un poste qui vous permettait d’empêcher cet attentat ?
L’empêcher ? Non, je ne m’y serais pas opposé. Il l’a décidé. Et je n’aurais jamais pu dire : ne le faites pas. Il était sûr de sa décision. Mais savoir, ça, oui, on sait.
Mais pourquoi abattre cet avion ?
Il croit que tous les opposants doivent mourir… Et à cette époque, parce que c’était Habyarimana, c’était un moyen de prendre le pouvoir. Habyarimana venait de signer un accord de partage du pouvoir, même s’il essayait de gagner du temps, ce n’était pas une raison pour le tuer. Il fallait suivre le processus et s’assurer qu’il aille jusqu’au bout. Beaucoup de gens disaient qu’il essayait de gagner du temps, je ne cherche pas à le défendre. Mais même s’il a commis des erreurs, il ne méritait pas de mourir.
Vous avez été chef des renseignements extérieurs pendant dix ans et, en 2004, vous avez été démis de vos fonctions. Pouvez-vous expliquer pourquoi ?
C’est le résultat d’une série de désaccords avec le président Kagame sur sa lecture du pays en termes de gouvernance, de droits de l’homme, à propos également de la situation au Congo… Ça a duré assez longtemps. A un moment, j’ai réalisé qu’on n’allait nulle part. Je lui ai demandé de me laisser faire ma vie, il a refusé. Trois ans après, il a fini par me jeter en prison. Pas une, mais deux fois. Donc il s’agissait de désaccords politiques, rien de personnel.
Rien de personnel ? Mais vous étiez amis…
Bien sûr que nous étions amis, mais je faisais partie du gouvernement. Je n’étais pas là pour l’encenser. En tant que chef des renseignements, je pense que ce que je pouvais faire de mieux, c’était de lui dire la vérité, que la vérité soit amère ou non. Mais le fait qu’il ne puisse pas l’accepter et qu’il le retienne contre moi, je crois que ce qui se passe aujourd’hui me donne raison.
Quelles abominables vérités lui disiez-vous par exemple ?
Les habituelles, je lui disais que ce que nous faisions n’était pas bien en terme de justice, de démocratie, de liberté de la presse. Il y avait la seconde guerre du Congo. On a parlé de tout ça et on ne tombait jamais d’accord. Mais parce que ça n’avait pas lieu en public, personne ne réalisait qu’il y avait une sorte de guerre froide entre lui et moi.
Donc il y a eu pendant des années des dissensions au sein du Front Patriotique Rwandais ?
Oui, mais cela se passait entre les militaires. Les civils n’en savaient rien. Et il n’y avait pas que moi. D’autres aussi étaient mécontents. Certains en ont fait les frais. D’autres ont décidé de se taire pour toujours. C’est une question de choix. Si vous en parliez publiquement, ils vous pendaient haut et court. Certains sont morts, d’autres ont été jetés en prison, d’autres comme nous se sont retrouvés en exil. Et ça va continuer tant qu’il reste sur cette ligne.
Vous disiez que vous vous êtes opposés à la seconde guerre du Congo. Donc vous étiez favorable à la première ?
Oui, définitivement. Il y avait des raisons parfaitement légitimes de la mener. A cause de ce qui se passait de l’autre côté de la frontière, dans les camps, la réorganisation (ndlr : des ex-FAR-Interahamwe), soit on réglait le problème, soit ils allaient s’occuper de nous. Celle-là était légitime. Mobutu les soutenait. En ce qui concerne la deuxième guerre, il nous suffisait de parler, nous n’avions pas nécessairement besoin de nous battre. Et comme vous le voyez, nous n’avons obtenu aucun résultat. Nous en sommes toujours au même point. RCD, CNDP, M23. Il y aura probablement aussi un M27… Ca n’aide pas le Congo. Ca n’aide pas le Rwanda. Ca n’apporte que des souffrances dans la région.
Bosco Ntaganda qui était l’un des chefs du CNDP est devant la Cour pénale internationale. Est-ce que vous allez témoigner devant la cour ?
Je ne sais pas pourquoi je devrais le faire. Mais si la cour estime qu’elle peut apprendre quelque chose de moi, je coopérerai avec elle. Mais je crois que la CPI ne juge pas la bonne personne. Elle devrait traduire en justice Kagame et pas Ntaganda.
Pourquoi ?
Parce que c’est lui qui l’a choisi au Rwanda et l’a envoyé dans l’est du Congo. Alors pourquoi s’occuper des symptômes et pas de la maladie ?
Donc vous affirmez que Bosco Ntaganda est rwandais et pas congolais ?
Oui, bien sûr qu’il est rwandais. Il était dans l’armée rwandaise, on l’a choisi, envoyé auprès de Lubanga et on l’a approvisionné en armes. Donc quand il cause tous ces problèmes, le coupable, ça ne devrait pas être Ntaganda, mais Kagame. Ntaganda a juste été déployé. Donc ces événements sont de la responsabilité de son commandant.
De quel corps d’armée était-il issue ? Où était-il basé ?
Ce n’est pas comme si on en avait plusieurs. Il était des forces de défense rwandaise. Il était sous-officier. La plupart de ceux qui ont dirigé la rébellion venaient du Rwanda de toute façon. Ntaganda n’est pas un cas particulier. Nkunda, Ntaganda, ils ont été formés au Rwanda, mais ne se sont pas battus là. C’est pourquoi je dis qu’ils ne s’occupent pas des bonnes personnes. Ils étaient déployés, c’est tout
Bosco Ntaganda s’est enfui au Rwanda et a trouvé refuge à l’ambassade des Etats-Unis. Est-ce que c’était avec l’aide du gouvernement rwandais ?
Non, il voulait sauver sa peau. S’il s’était rendu au gouvernement rwandais, ça aurait été une toute autre histoire. Je ne pense pas qu’ils l’auraient remis à la Cour pénale internationale.
Pourquoi avez-vous fui le pays en 2007 ?
J’avais déjà testé la prison deux fois. Et j’ai été maintenu à l’isolement. Deux fois en deux ans. Quand je suis sorti, j’ai été amené au ministère de la Défense, j’ai été malmené par des officiers, or certains sont en prison aujourd’hui, d’autres ont des problèmes. Mais bon, le fait important, c’est qu’ils m’ont dit que Kagame allait s’occuper de moi définitivement. Ça en inquiétait tout de même certains. Ils m’ont dit que si je tenais à la vie, il fallait que je parte. Je n’avais pas de raison d’en douter. Donc je suis parti. Et en fait, c’était bien vrai. C’est qu’il a essayé de faire ici. C’est pour ça qu’on a tiré sur mon collègue (ndlr : le général Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa). J’ai eu de la chance de m’en sortir sans aucune égratignure.

tags: Diplomatie - Droits de l’homme - France - Justice internationale - Paul Kagame - Rwanda

 

 http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20130708-patrick-karegeya-nous-savons-missiles-sont-partis

 

Re: *DHR* No Consensus On Implementation of Cessation Clause for Rwandan Refugees

 

Abantu baravuga ko Kagame yahaye ryuswa HCR ariko bamwe babigize urwenya. Kagame icyo akora adakoresheje amafaranga ni kihe. Ruswa mu Rwanda iri mu butegetsi hejuru kandi no mu banyamahanga bakorana n'u Rwanda. Umukozi wa HCR umuhaye milioni ebyiri za ama euro yabuzwa ni iki kugukorera icyo ushaka. Umunyamahanga wandika ibitabo kuri Kagame, uvuga neza ubutegetsi bwa Kagame, aba yariye nta kundi. Mwibuke ko hari nuwavugiye muru Rwanda day i Londres  asaba akazi Kagame ko mukorera propagande mu mahanga. Ni uko yari arazi ko hari agafaranga azakuramo.

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From: Claudine Vidal <clvidal@ehess.fr>
To: DHR <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Sent: Saturday, 13 July 2013, 9:20
Subject: Re: *DHR* No Consensus On Implementation of Cessation Clause for Rwandan Refugees

 

Pour ceux qui seraient désireux de connaître la source de cet article:

http://www.irinnews.org/report/98409/no-consensus-on-implementation-of-cessation-clause-for-rwandan-refugees

Bonne journée,

Cl.V.

De : Jean Bosco Sibomana <sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com>
Répondre à : DHR <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Date : vendredi 12 juillet 2013 19:38
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Objet : *DHR* No Consensus On Implementation of Cessation Clause for Rwandan Refugees

 

Rwanda: No Consensus On Implementation of Cessation Clause for Rwandan Refugees
12 July 2013

Kampala/Johannesburg — The future of tens of thousands of Rwandan refugees living in Africa remains uncertain nearly two weeks after the 30 June deadline recommended by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) for the discontinuation of their refugee status.
UNHCR has recommended countries invoke the "ceased circumstances" clause for Rwandans who fled their country between 1959 and 1998. The cessation clause forms part of the 1951 Refugee Convention and can be applied when fundamental and durable changes in a refugee's country of origin, such that they no longer have a well-founded fear of persecution, remove the need for international protection. Both UNHCR and the Rwandan government have pointed out that since the end of the civil war and the 1994 genocide, Rwanda has been peaceful, and more than three million exiled Rwandans have returned home.
However, many of the estimated 100,000 Rwandans who continue to live outside the country - mainly in eastern, central and southern Africa - remain unwilling to repatriate, citing fear of persecution by the government. Refugee rights organizations have also warned that human rights abuses by the current government have caused a continued exodus of Rwandan asylum seekers.
"We have been told time and again that Rwanda is safe and there might be some truth in that. However, one wonders why the call for cessation is happening while there are still people who are seeking asylum," Dismas Nkunda, co-director of the International Refugee Rights Initiative, told IRIN.
Differing views on protection
So far only four countries in Africa - Malawi, the Republic of Congo, Zambia and Zimbabwe - have followed UNHCR's recommendation to invoke the cessation clause, a fact that, according to Nkunda, "speaks volumes" about how different African countries view this group's need for protection.
In an article in the July issue of a newsletter produced by the Fahamu Refugee Programme, a refugee legal aid group, John Cacharani and Guillaume Cliche-Rivard accused UNHCR of pressuring states to follow its recommendation, "holding hostage the fate of more than 100,000 Rwandan refugees who, of their own volition, have decided not to repatriate, yet continue to fear the end of their international protection."
But in response to questions from IRIN, Clementine Nkweta-Salami, UNHCR regional representative for southern Africa, emphasized, "It is the responsibility and prerogative of states to declare the cessation of refugee status." She said UNHCR's role was only to make a recommendation based on its analysis of conditions in the country of origin and how they relate to the refugees' reasons for flight.
That only four states had agreed to implement cessation as of 30 June did not in any way indicate that UNHCR's recommendation was premature, she insisted. At an April 2013 meeting of host states held in Pretoria, "some states underscored that, for various legal, logistical, practical or other considerations, they are not in a position to apply the cessation clauses by 30 June 2013. Others have specified that, for the time being, they will concentrate on taking forward other components of the [comprehensive durable solutions] strategy, namely voluntary repatriation and local integration".
Preparing for returnees
Meanwhile, Rwandan officials say the country is prepared to receive the refugees, and has developed a comprehensive plan to repatriate and reintegrate returnees. So far this year, an estimated 1,500 Rwandans have returned home following government-operated "go-and-see" programmes.
"The conditions that forced them to flee no longer exist," Rwandan High Commissioner to Uganda, Maj Gen Frank Mugambagye, told IRIN. "The government has established three transit centres which are well equipped with shelter, education and health services. These people will be given packages for three months. We have mobilized the local authorities to receive and help them reintegrate into the communities."
He added that for Rwandans seeking local integration in host countries rather than repatriation, the government will issue national identity cards and passports that will allow them to retain their nationality.
IRIN spoke to government officials and UNHCR representatives in several of the African countries that are hosting significant numbers of Rwandan refugees to find out how they are handling the cessation clause.
Countries invoking the clause
Malawi
Although Malawi is among the countries said to be invoking the cessation clause, the process is still in its early stages. According to George Kuchio, UNCHR representative for Malawi, the first step of informing the 660 refugees covered by the clause of their right to apply for exemption has just been completed, and the government has yet to decide what options it will offer for local integration.
"If there are people who still have compelling reasons for not returning, they'll be given the opportunity to have their say," Kuchio told IRIN.
However, the principal secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Besten Chisamile, was quoted in the local media as saying, "The situation in Rwanda stabilized long ago, and there is every reason for the remaining ones [refugees] to return to their home. We are working with UNHCR on ensuring we repatriate them."
Malawi is host to a further 500 Rwandan asylum seekers whose refugee status has yet to be determined but who are unlikely to be covered by the cessation clause.
Republic of Congo
In June, the Republic of Congo announced that it would invoke the cessation clause for the 8,404 Rwandan refugees it hosts. They will now have to choose between voluntary repatriation, naturalization or applying for exemption.
"Those who fail to choose one of these options will be subject to the laws pertaining to foreigners' entry, residence and departure," said Chantal Itoua Apoyolo, director of multilateral affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation.
Juvenal Turatsinzé, 49, who is among 2,500 Rwandan refugees living in Loukolela, in the northern Cuvette region, said: "We've been worried since hearing about the loss of our status. We'd love to go back to Rwanda, but the conditions that would allow us to do that willingly are not yet in place.
"There are often arbitrary arrests in Rwanda. There is no freedom of expression, no democracy. We don't think the time is right for voluntary repatriation... There are no security guarantees there."
He added, "I have already put in my request for naturalization as a Congolese citizen."
Zambia
Zambia hosts 6,000 Rwandan refugees, about 4,000 of whom are covered by the cessation clause. According to Peter Janssen, a senior protection officer with UNHCR, the majority of these have applied for exemption, but most have been rejected. "Officially their refugee status has ceased, but the government has made it known that there will be a possibility for people to acquire an alternative status," said Janssen.
"That still needs to be fine-tuned, but it is positive because, until a while ago, it looked like people would be left without a status and have to return to Rwanda."
Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe, which is also following the recommendation to invoke the cessation clause, is further along with the process.
Prior to 30 June, 72 cases comprising over 200 individuals who left their country before 1999 were identified as falling within the scope of the clause, out of about 800 Rwandan refugee and asylum seekers living in the country. Those unwilling to repatriate who qualify for local integration, either through marriage to a local or through employment in certain professions, such as lawyers, doctors and teachers, have been encouraged to apply for permanent residence or work permits. However, they cannot be issued permits until they are in possession of Rwandan passports, which the Rwandan government have yet to issue.
The majority who do not qualify for local integration but do not want to return home have already applied for exemption from the cessation clause. According to Ray Chikwanda, a national protection officer with UNHCR in Zimbabwe, only six out of the 60 cases that applied were successful. Those who were rejected have been encouraged to appeal.
"Our reading of the situation is that until there is a political consensus in the region [about invoking the cessation clause], these appeal decisions are unlikely to be released," said Chikwanda.
Countries not invoking the clause
Democratic Republic of Congo
The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has said it will not immediately invoke the cessation clause for the estimated 47,500 Rwandan refugees it hosts, but will instead adopt a phased approach.
Rwandan refugees will first be identified, registered and asked if they want to return. Following a meeting in October, a repatriation plan will be drawn up. Julien Paluku, governor of North Kivu Province, where most of the Rwandan refugees have settled, told the Associated Press that refugees who do not want to return home will be allowed to apply either for a residence permit or for Congolese nationality, which may be granted on a case-by-case basis.
UNHCR has helped some 8,000 Rwandans return home from DRC since 2012 and says it will continue to assist with repatriation.
Uganda
Out of 14,811 Rwandan refugees living in Uganda, about 4,100 individuals fall within the scope of the cessation clause. However, the government has not invoked cessation because ambiguities in the country's Immigration Act and Constitution would hinder local integration - an alternative to voluntary repatriation that host states are supposed to make available as part of the comprehensive solutions strategy.
For example, Article 12 of the Constitution bars the children of refugees from qualifying for citizenship, while sections of the Immigration Act effectively preclude refugees from qualifying for permanent residence or work permits.
"The government of Uganda has declared that, pending the resolution of the [legal] ambiguities and the charting of a way forward towards implementing local integration and alternative legal status, they will not be invoking the ceased circumstances clause," Esther Kiragu, UNHCR assistant representative for protection, told IRIN. "They will, however, announce a date for invocation in due course once the road map is clearly drawn."
South Africa
At a ministerial meeting convened by UNHCR in Pretoria in April 2013, South Africa's Minister of Home Affairs Naledi Pandor said, "The position of the UNHCR in relation to Rwanda has created anguish and uncertainty among the refugee community in South Africa", suggesting that much work remained to be done to clearly articulate the reasons for the clause being invoked.
The South African government has since informed UNHCR that it will conduct its own research into existing conditions in Rwanda and consult extensively with the local Rwandan community before making a decision on invoking the cessation clause.
A local Rwandan refugee leader, who did not wish to be named, commended South Africa's Department of Home Affairs for "welcoming Rwandan refugee leaders, listening to their concerns and fears of being returned to Rwanda, and sharing with refugees the government of South Africa's position around the cessation clause".
This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations.

SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
Google+: https://plus.google.com/110493390983174363421/posts
YouTube Channel: http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL9B4024D0AE764F3D <http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL9B4024D0AE764F3D>
                                  http://www.youtube.com/user/sibomanaxyz999

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Tél.mobile: 0032- 495 48 29 21


UT UNUM SINT

"L'extrémisme dans la défense de la liberté n'est pas un vice; La modération dans la poursuite de la justice n'est pas une vertu".

"Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice; moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." (USA,Republican Convention 1964,Barry Morris Goldwater (1909-1998)).

"Le monde ne sera pas détruit par ceux qui font le mal mais par ceux qui regardent et refusent d'agir", Albert EINSTEIN.

Les messages publiés sur DHR n'engagent que la responsabilité de leurs auteurs.

CONSIDERATION, TOLERANCE, PATIENCE AND MUTUAL RESPECT towards the reinforcement of GOOD GOVERNANCE,DEMOCRACY and HUMAN RIGHTS in our states.

Liability and Responsibility: You are legally responsible, and solely responsible, for any content that you post to DHR. You may only post materials that you have the right or permission to distribute electronically. The owner of DHR cannot and does not guarantee the accuracy of any statements made in or materials posted to the group by participants.

" BE NICE TO PEOPLE ON YOUR WAY UP, BECAUSE YOU MIGHT MEET THEM ON YOUR WAY DOWN." Jimmy DURANTE.

COMBATTONS la haine SANS complaisance, PARTOUT et avec Toute ENERGIE!!!!!!
Let's  rather prefer Peace, Love , Hope and Life, and get together as one!!! Inno TWAGIRA

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Re: *DHR* No Consensus On Implementation of Cessation Clause for Rwandan Refugees

Abantu baravuga ko Kagame yahaye ryuswa HCR ariko bamwe babigize urwenya. Kagame icyo akora adakoresheje amafaranga ni kihe. Ruswa mu Rwanda iri mu butegetsi hejuru kandi no mu banyamahanga bakorana n'u Rwanda. Umukozi wa HCR umuhaye milioni ebyiri za ama euro yabuzwa ni iki kugugukorea icyo ushaka. Umunyamahanga wandika ibitabo kuri Kagame, uvuga neza ubutegetsi bwa Kagame, aba yariye nta kundi. Mwibuke ko hari nuwavugiye muru Rwanda day i Londres  asaba akazi Kagame ko mukorera propagande mu mahanga. Ni uko yari arazi ko harai agafaranga azakuramo.

---

From: Claudine Vidal <clvidal@ehess.fr>
To: DHR <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Sent: Saturday, 13 July 2013, 9:20
Subject: Re: *DHR* No Consensus On Implementation of Cessation Clause for Rwandan Refugees

 

Pour ceux qui seraient désireux de connaître la source de cet article:

http://www.irinnews.org/report/98409/no-consensus-on-implementation-of-cessation-clause-for-rwandan-refugees

Bonne journée,

Cl.V.

De : Jean Bosco Sibomana <sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com>
Répondre à : DHR <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Date : vendredi 12 juillet 2013 19:38
À : "AfricaWatch@yahoogroups.com" <AfricaWatch@yahoogroups.com>, DHR <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>, "duhaguruke@yahoogroupes.fr" <duhaguruke@yahoogroupes.fr>, "fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr" <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr>, "ForumUrunana@yahoogroups.com" <ForumUrunana@yahoogroups.com>, "newskgl-bxl@yahoogroupes.fr" <newskgl-bxl@yahoogroupes.fr>, "rwanda_revolution@yahoogroups.com" <rwanda_revolution@yahoogroups.com>, "uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com" <uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com>
Objet : *DHR* No Consensus On Implementation of Cessation Clause for Rwandan Refugees

 

Rwanda: No Consensus On Implementation of Cessation Clause for Rwandan Refugees
12 July 2013

Kampala/Johannesburg — The future of tens of thousands of Rwandan refugees living in Africa remains uncertain nearly two weeks after the 30 June deadline recommended by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) for the discontinuation of their refugee status.
UNHCR has recommended countries invoke the "ceased circumstances" clause for Rwandans who fled their country between 1959 and 1998. The cessation clause forms part of the 1951 Refugee Convention and can be applied when fundamental and durable changes in a refugee's country of origin, such that they no longer have a well-founded fear of persecution, remove the need for international protection. Both UNHCR and the Rwandan government have pointed out that since the end of the civil war and the 1994 genocide, Rwanda has been peaceful, and more than three million exiled Rwandans have returned home.
However, many of the estimated 100,000 Rwandans who continue to live outside the country - mainly in eastern, central and southern Africa - remain unwilling to repatriate, citing fear of persecution by the government. Refugee rights organizations have also warned that human rights abuses by the current government have caused a continued exodus of Rwandan asylum seekers.
"We have been told time and again that Rwanda is safe and there might be some truth in that. However, one wonders why the call for cessation is happening while there are still people who are seeking asylum," Dismas Nkunda, co-director of the International Refugee Rights Initiative, told IRIN.
Differing views on protection
So far only four countries in Africa - Malawi, the Republic of Congo, Zambia and Zimbabwe - have followed UNHCR's recommendation to invoke the cessation clause, a fact that, according to Nkunda, "speaks volumes" about how different African countries view this group's need for protection.
In an article in the July issue of a newsletter produced by the Fahamu Refugee Programme, a refugee legal aid group, John Cacharani and Guillaume Cliche-Rivard accused UNHCR of pressuring states to follow its recommendation, "holding hostage the fate of more than 100,000 Rwandan refugees who, of their own volition, have decided not to repatriate, yet continue to fear the end of their international protection."
But in response to questions from IRIN, Clementine Nkweta-Salami, UNHCR regional representative for southern Africa, emphasized, "It is the responsibility and prerogative of states to declare the cessation of refugee status." She said UNHCR's role was only to make a recommendation based on its analysis of conditions in the country of origin and how they relate to the refugees' reasons for flight.
That only four states had agreed to implement cessation as of 30 June did not in any way indicate that UNHCR's recommendation was premature, she insisted. At an April 2013 meeting of host states held in Pretoria, "some states underscored that, for various legal, logistical, practical or other considerations, they are not in a position to apply the cessation clauses by 30 June 2013. Others have specified that, for the time being, they will concentrate on taking forward other components of the [comprehensive durable solutions] strategy, namely voluntary repatriation and local integration".
Preparing for returnees
Meanwhile, Rwandan officials say the country is prepared to receive the refugees, and has developed a comprehensive plan to repatriate and reintegrate returnees. So far this year, an estimated 1,500 Rwandans have returned home following government-operated "go-and-see" programmes.
"The conditions that forced them to flee no longer exist," Rwandan High Commissioner to Uganda, Maj Gen Frank Mugambagye, told IRIN. "The government has established three transit centres which are well equipped with shelter, education and health services. These people will be given packages for three months. We have mobilized the local authorities to receive and help them reintegrate into the communities."
He added that for Rwandans seeking local integration in host countries rather than repatriation, the government will issue national identity cards and passports that will allow them to retain their nationality.
IRIN spoke to government officials and UNHCR representatives in several of the African countries that are hosting significant numbers of Rwandan refugees to find out how they are handling the cessation clause.
Countries invoking the clause
Malawi
Although Malawi is among the countries said to be invoking the cessation clause, the process is still in its early stages. According to George Kuchio, UNCHR representative for Malawi, the first step of informing the 660 refugees covered by the clause of their right to apply for exemption has just been completed, and the government has yet to decide what options it will offer for local integration.
"If there are people who still have compelling reasons for not returning, they'll be given the opportunity to have their say," Kuchio told IRIN.
However, the principal secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Besten Chisamile, was quoted in the local media as saying, "The situation in Rwanda stabilized long ago, and there is every reason for the remaining ones [refugees] to return to their home. We are working with UNHCR on ensuring we repatriate them."
Malawi is host to a further 500 Rwandan asylum seekers whose refugee status has yet to be determined but who are unlikely to be covered by the cessation clause.
Republic of Congo
In June, the Republic of Congo announced that it would invoke the cessation clause for the 8,404 Rwandan refugees it hosts. They will now have to choose between voluntary repatriation, naturalization or applying for exemption.
"Those who fail to choose one of these options will be subject to the laws pertaining to foreigners' entry, residence and departure," said Chantal Itoua Apoyolo, director of multilateral affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation.
Juvenal Turatsinzé, 49, who is among 2,500 Rwandan refugees living in Loukolela, in the northern Cuvette region, said: "We've been worried since hearing about the loss of our status. We'd love to go back to Rwanda, but the conditions that would allow us to do that willingly are not yet in place.
"There are often arbitrary arrests in Rwanda. There is no freedom of expression, no democracy. We don't think the time is right for voluntary repatriation... There are no security guarantees there."
He added, "I have already put in my request for naturalization as a Congolese citizen."
Zambia
Zambia hosts 6,000 Rwandan refugees, about 4,000 of whom are covered by the cessation clause. According to Peter Janssen, a senior protection officer with UNHCR, the majority of these have applied for exemption, but most have been rejected. "Officially their refugee status has ceased, but the government has made it known that there will be a possibility for people to acquire an alternative status," said Janssen.
"That still needs to be fine-tuned, but it is positive because, until a while ago, it looked like people would be left without a status and have to return to Rwanda."
Zimbabwe
Zimbabwe, which is also following the recommendation to invoke the cessation clause, is further along with the process.
Prior to 30 June, 72 cases comprising over 200 individuals who left their country before 1999 were identified as falling within the scope of the clause, out of about 800 Rwandan refugee and asylum seekers living in the country. Those unwilling to repatriate who qualify for local integration, either through marriage to a local or through employment in certain professions, such as lawyers, doctors and teachers, have been encouraged to apply for permanent residence or work permits. However, they cannot be issued permits until they are in possession of Rwandan passports, which the Rwandan government have yet to issue.
The majority who do not qualify for local integration but do not want to return home have already applied for exemption from the cessation clause. According to Ray Chikwanda, a national protection officer with UNHCR in Zimbabwe, only six out of the 60 cases that applied were successful. Those who were rejected have been encouraged to appeal.
"Our reading of the situation is that until there is a political consensus in the region [about invoking the cessation clause], these appeal decisions are unlikely to be released," said Chikwanda.
Countries not invoking the clause
Democratic Republic of Congo
The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has said it will not immediately invoke the cessation clause for the estimated 47,500 Rwandan refugees it hosts, but will instead adopt a phased approach.
Rwandan refugees will first be identified, registered and asked if they want to return. Following a meeting in October, a repatriation plan will be drawn up. Julien Paluku, governor of North Kivu Province, where most of the Rwandan refugees have settled, told the Associated Press that refugees who do not want to return home will be allowed to apply either for a residence permit or for Congolese nationality, which may be granted on a case-by-case basis.
UNHCR has helped some 8,000 Rwandans return home from DRC since 2012 and says it will continue to assist with repatriation.
Uganda
Out of 14,811 Rwandan refugees living in Uganda, about 4,100 individuals fall within the scope of the cessation clause. However, the government has not invoked cessation because ambiguities in the country's Immigration Act and Constitution would hinder local integration - an alternative to voluntary repatriation that host states are supposed to make available as part of the comprehensive solutions strategy.
For example, Article 12 of the Constitution bars the children of refugees from qualifying for citizenship, while sections of the Immigration Act effectively preclude refugees from qualifying for permanent residence or work permits.
"The government of Uganda has declared that, pending the resolution of the [legal] ambiguities and the charting of a way forward towards implementing local integration and alternative legal status, they will not be invoking the ceased circumstances clause," Esther Kiragu, UNHCR assistant representative for protection, told IRIN. "They will, however, announce a date for invocation in due course once the road map is clearly drawn."
South Africa
At a ministerial meeting convened by UNHCR in Pretoria in April 2013, South Africa's Minister of Home Affairs Naledi Pandor said, "The position of the UNHCR in relation to Rwanda has created anguish and uncertainty among the refugee community in South Africa", suggesting that much work remained to be done to clearly articulate the reasons for the clause being invoked.
The South African government has since informed UNHCR that it will conduct its own research into existing conditions in Rwanda and consult extensively with the local Rwandan community before making a decision on invoking the cessation clause.
A local Rwandan refugee leader, who did not wish to be named, commended South Africa's Department of Home Affairs for "welcoming Rwandan refugee leaders, listening to their concerns and fears of being returned to Rwanda, and sharing with refugees the government of South Africa's position around the cessation clause".
This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations.

SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
Google+: https://plus.google.com/110493390983174363421/posts
YouTube Channel: http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL9B4024D0AE764F3D <http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL9B4024D0AE764F3D>
                                  http://www.youtube.com/user/sibomanaxyz999

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Maître Innocent  TWAGIRAMUNGU
DHR FOUNDER&OWNER
Tél.mobile: 0032- 495 48 29 21


UT UNUM SINT

"L'extrémisme dans la défense de la liberté n'est pas un vice; La modération dans la poursuite de la justice n'est pas une vertu".

"Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice; moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." (USA,Republican Convention 1964,Barry Morris Goldwater (1909-1998)).

"Le monde ne sera pas détruit par ceux qui font le mal mais par ceux qui regardent et refusent d'agir", Albert EINSTEIN.

Les messages publiés sur DHR n'engagent que la responsabilité de leurs auteurs.

CONSIDERATION, TOLERANCE, PATIENCE AND MUTUAL RESPECT towards the reinforcement of GOOD GOVERNANCE,DEMOCRACY and HUMAN RIGHTS in our states.

Liability and Responsibility: You are legally responsible, and solely responsible, for any content that you post to DHR. You may only post materials that you have the right or permission to distribute electronically. The owner of DHR cannot and does not guarantee the accuracy of any statements made in or materials posted to the group by participants.

" BE NICE TO PEOPLE ON YOUR WAY UP, BECAUSE YOU MIGHT MEET THEM ON YOUR WAY DOWN." Jimmy DURANTE.

COMBATTONS la haine SANS complaisance, PARTOUT et avec Toute ENERGIE!!!!!!
Let's  rather prefer Peace, Love , Hope and Life, and get together as one!!! Inno TWAGIRA

Passer à: Texte seulement, Résumé du jour • Désinscription • Conditions d'utilisation

.

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