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Monday, 22 December 2014

[amakurunamateka] Rwanda, the nation that most divides opinion: 7 striking facts from its big political week

 


"Umushyikirano" is a cross between a political beauty parade, and public flogging. Emotions ran high over the BBC's 'Rwanda: The Untold Story'.

Kagame opens the Umushikirano. BELOW UN Economic Commission for Africa Executive Secretary Carlos Lopes speaks at the National Dialogue, Rwanda female UN peacekeepers.

ON December 18 and 19, Rwanda held its 12th annual National Dialogue, or more popularly "Umushyikirano" as it's called in the Kinyarwanda language.

Perhaps the best way to explain Umushyikirano is that it's a strange cross between a political beauty parade, and a public flogging – the government reports to the country how it has performed on the things it promised to do; and the people write in during the dialogue (mostly via Twitter and Facebook), or call in through a videoconference link from satellite stations around the country, to complain, praise, and denounce - in trademark African plain-speak  - what they see as failures.

President Paul Kagame chairs the proceedings. There is free lunch, a cocktail for the Rwandans who return from the Diaspora to attend, music and dance, and fervent chants hailing the president.

Anger over "genocide trivialisation"

The Umushyikirano 2014 had its emotional moments, especially on the last day. This was partly because this one came on the 20th anniversary year of the 1994 genocide in which nearly one million people, most of them Tutsi, were killed. But perhaps what most made the emotions raw, was the October BBC documentary "Rwanda: The Untold Story".

It is nearly two months since it aired, and the rage against it for "genocide denial" and "genocide trivialisation" is still running high. The BBC Kinyarwanda Service was suspended in the furore that followed. At the close of the Umushikyrano,Kagame tore into it, denouncing those he said felt superior and therefore trampled the history and pain of other peoples without a care.

As the proceedings ended, there was a small celebratory jig. Some of the leaders formed a circle, and did the shuffle. Kagame joined in to much applause, but he didn't get down, remaining straight-backed, putting in only a suppressed twitch of the shoulders.

Then, finally, a photo book, "Rwanda: A remarkable turnaround of a nation" was formally published and distributed at the end of the event, with a preface by Kagame and a foreword by former British prime minister Tony Blair. Some of the photographs are quite striking.

The Umushyikirano is open to diplomats and the local and international media, but on Saturday, the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) gathered in congress behind closed doors, locking out foreigners and non-members of their political clan. It is said that here is where the gloves come off and Kagame hands out tough love, and members let it all hang out.

Beyond the disagreements

For various reasons, Rwanda is probably the African country that divides opinion on the continent and internationally most. Few can remain neutral when it is discussed. To some, the post-genocide turnaround it has achieved, the "effectiveness" of its leaders, and its order in a chaotic continent is a "miracle". To its critics, it is a repressive rule that hides its undemocratic ways behind the façade of rosy statistics and the international acclaims of its fanatic supporters.

However, if Umushyikirano does anything, it provides telling insights into how Rwandan leaders and society see themselves; the things they are proud of; and, in an anecdotal sense, the kind of future they dream of.

These following 7 facts that were offered at various points during the dialogue, in different ways, summed up the challenges the country still faces, and the things where it feels it has won bragging rights:

1. Ten years ago the poverty level in Rwanda was 60%. That has now reduced to 45%. An improvement, but still not good enough.

2. Over 6 million land titles have been distributed/collected in Rwanda. But the more striking number is that 8.7 million titles have been prepared, and over 90% of the land  in the country has been surveyed and titled and the records can be accessed in a digital registry. With a population of 11 million, more land titles have been issued than there are adult Rwandans. In this regard Rwanda is by far the African record holder, and one of the leading countries in the world in this regard.

3. Post-genocide issues dominated the last day of Umushyikirano. There were questions about the UN's International Criminal Tribunal  for Rwanda (ICTR) that finally wound up this month after 20 years.

Between 1994-2014 the ICTR tried 95 individuals for their role in the genocide, and handed out 61 convictions at a cost of $2 billion.

On the other hand traditional genocide courts in Rwanda (called Gacaca) between 2001 and 2012 (about half the time) tried 1.95 million genocide suspects and convicted 65% of them – at a cost of less than 1% of the ICTR.

It was reported at the Umushyikirano that the Gacaca courts produced 60 million pages of documents!

4. Nearly 98% of all Rwandans have health insurance, the highest in Africa.

5. Rwanda contributes the highest percentage of troops per national capita to UN peacekeeping missions.  It is the third highest contributor of female police officers to UN peacekeeing in the world, and the second highest African contributor of female police officers.

6. "Rwanda: A remarkable turnaround of a country" says that after the 1994 genocide there were only 2 lawyers left in the country.  Today the Judiciary employs over 600 judicial officers. The number of qualified lawyers rose from 2 in 1994, to 2,500 in 2012.

7. It also says that more than 200,000 laptops have been distributed under Rwanda's One Laptop Per Child Project (OLPC) to over 407 schools, and 10,000 teachers have been trained. This, it notes, makes Rwanda the third largest deployment of school laptops in the world after Peru and Uruguay.

-Later in the week, "PERFECT IMPERFECTIONS: REVISITING RWANDA AND 'THE KIGALI CONSENSUS'" by Charles Onyango-Obbo





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-&quot;Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.&quot;
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.

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Sunday, 21 December 2014

[amakurunamateka] Kurikira isesengura ry’ibibazo by’u Rwanda en direct kuri www.amakurunamateka.com

 

Kurikira  isesengura ry'ibibazo by'u Rwanda en direct kuri www.amakurunamateka.com
 
Kurikirana isesengura ry'ibibazo biri mu  Rwanda utabanje guhora wibuka za email addresi na password  cyangwa se kwemererwe kugira ngo ukurikirane ayo makuru kuri za  Yahoo Groupes.
 
Ntidukoporora ibyanditse ahandi, ahubwo turabisesengura:
 
Ni direct hano kuri : www.amakurunamateka.com
 

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-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.

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Le Rwanda privé de 40 millions d'euros de soutien conditionnel de la Belgique

Le Rwanda privé de 40 millions d'euros de soutien conditionnel de la Belgique
BRUXELLES (Belgique)
La Belgique ne versera pas un montant de 40 millions d'euros d'aide au développement au Rwanda, une "tranche incitative" que la Coopération au développement liait, en plus des montants prévus, à la réalisation d'un certain nombre de conditions telles que la bonne gouvernance et le respect de la liberté de la presse. Le ministre de la Coopération Alexander De Croo a décidé de ne pas octroyer ces 40 millions d'euros, a rapporté dimanche la VRT.L'aide au développement de la Belgique à l'égard du Rwanda s'élève à 160 millions d'euros sur la période 2011-2014. A côté de cette somme, un montant de 40 millions pouvait être libéré en cas de progrès significatifs entrepris par Kigali en matière de dialogue politique, de bonne gouvernance et de développement des médias. Ces progrès n'ont pas été constatés, a indiqué le ministre De Croo sur la VRT. Le porte-parole du ministre n'a pas souhaité commenter plus amplement cette information mais dans un commentaire écrit à la VRT, le cabinet a précisé que "sur base d'une évaluation interne il avait été décidé il y a un mois déjà de ne pas libérer cette tranche incitative". Cette décision est donc intervenue "avant même le rapport de 11.11.11", a souligné le cabinet. La coupole flamande des ONG actives dans la coopération avait en effet appelé à ne pas libérer les 40 millions d'euros. Le directeur de l'organisation Bogdan Vanden Berghe a qualifié dimanche, sur la VRT, la décision du ministre de "signal fort" à l'égard des autorités rwandaises. (Belga)
© 2014 Belga. Tous droits de reproduction et de représentation réservés. Toutes les informations reproduites dans cette rubrique (dépêches, photos, logos) sont protégées par des droits de propriété intellectuelle détenus par Belga. Par conséquent, aucune de ces informations ne peut être reproduite, modifiée, rediffusée, traduite, exploitée commercialement ou réutilisée de quelque manière que ce soit sans l'accord préalable écrit de Belga.

http://www.dhnet.be/dernieres-depeches/belga/le-rwanda-prive-de-40-millions-d-euros-de-soutien-conditionnel-de-la-belgique-5496de05357028b5e9906f7c

[amakurunamateka] Kagame akomeje gushimangira ko akorera abatusi gusa.

 

Kagame akomeje gushimangira ko akorera abatusi gusa.
 
Nkuko tumaze iminsi twumva  amagambo ya Kagame, Kagame akomeje gutegura abanyarwanda ko azakomeza gutsimbarara ku butegetsi, yikoma amahanga, kandi ashaka kwerekana ko  atayakeneye ko ibibazo by'abanyarwanda  ari wenyine byose wabikemura, ko imfashanyo z'amahanga ntacyo zimaze, ko u Rwanda rwishoboye. Ibibazo yifitiye arabyegeka ku banyamahanga nyamara bo batarigeze bamutunga agatoki. Iyo umunyamahanga avuze Afrika muri rusange, ni Kagame wiyumva mubyo yavuze. Kagame yahindura itegekonshinga ngo atsimbarare ku butegetsi, ntawe muri abo banyamahanga bazaza mu Rwanda ngo babimubuze. Ibyo bavuze rero kuri Afrika  yose, ntibyagombye kumubuza gusinzira. None se ubwo bwoba afite ni ubw'iki ?
 
Kagame akomeje iterabwoba n'igitugu yumvisha  abanyarwanda ko ariwe ushinzwe imibereho yabo, iyo avuga ubuzima bw'abanyarwanda, aba avuga ubuzima bw'abatutsi gusa.
 
Kagame ati abanyarwanda  nibo bazi aho bavuye n'imbaraga bakoresheje ngo bagere aho bari kugeza ubu.  Ati twarwaniye agacio n'uburenganzira kuva kera. Aha aba avuga abatutsi  nyamara na mbere hose afata ubutegetsi abatutsi mu Rwanda babagaho kandi siwe wari ubatunze. Yiyibagiza ko mu kurwanira ubwo burenganzira n'agaciro bya bamwe, hari  abandi rubanda nyamwinshi , aribo bahutu babyambuwe. Iyo wambuye umwana ibiryo ukabiha undi kandi bose bafite inzara ntacyo uba ukoze.
 
U Rwanda ni ruto cyane kandi n'abatutsi barutuye  babarirwa ku ntoki, birumvikana ko umutungo w'u Rwanda uhari urahagije kugira ngo utunge abo abatutsi gusa dore ko akenshi aribo bonyine ashakira imibereho myiza. Ikindi  kandi umutungo w'igihugu wose nibo bawufite.  Niyo mpamvu Kagame akomeza gusuzugura amahanga ndetse akanavuga ko ariwe uhesha abanyarwanda agaciro. Iyo avuga abanyarwanda rero ntimukajye mwiyumvamo mwese. Kagame aba avuga abatutsi gusa, kuko ari bo ashinzwe gusa.
Abandi bose bose bni indorerezi mu butegetsi no mu bukungu bw'igihugu. Ng'iyo apartheid mu Rwanda uko iteye.
 
----------------------------------------
Perezida Kagame yashimangiye ko agaciro k'Abanyarwanda kataguranwa inkunga
Perezida wa Repubulika y'u Rwanda Paul Kagame yemeje ko abatera inkunga igihugu batagombye kuziheraho ngo bagene imibereho inyuranye n'iyo abenegihugu bifuza.
Mu nama y'igihugu y'Umushyikirano yabaye ku nshuro ya 12 ku wa 18 na 19 Ukuboza 2014, Perezida Kagame yagarutse ku buryo Abanyarwanda bagomba guharanira agaciro n'uburenganzira byabo.
Mu ijambo yagejeje ku Banyarwanda asoza iyi nama yashimangiye ko nta muntu ugomba kugena uko Abanyarwanda babaho, kuko aribo bazi aho bavuye n'imbaraga bakoresheje ngo bagere aho bari kugeza ubu.
Yagize ati "Hari abatesha abantu agaciro ariko ntituri abo guteshwa agaciro, twarwaniye uburenganzira bwacu kuva kera.(…) Abavuga ko bashishikajwe n'imibereho yacu; iyo mibereho myiza ntiyabaho hatariho uburenganzira bwacu(…)Ntitwagira imibereho myiza dutegekwa abo tugomba kuba bo n'uko tugomba kubaho."
"Nta muntu numwe ugomba kugena uko abanyarwanda babaho. Birumvikana hari abashobora kuvuga ngo tubaha amafaranga yacu (inkunga), tugomba kubabwiriza ibyo mugomba gukora nuko mugomba kwitwara."
Nyamara avuga ko bidakwiye kuko uburenganzira bwa muntu butarutwa n'inkunga wamuha ngo umutegeke uko ushaka.
Ati " Ariko hari aho bigera ukavuga uti, yego, niba ari uko bimeze hagati y'uburenganzira bwanjye , uko nifuza kubaho n'amafaranga yanyu , mwagumana amafaranga yanyu."
Yibukije Abanyarwanda ko baharaniye kubaho, bakaba barabigezeho. Yongeyeho ko buri wese wumva ko yakwambura Abanyarwanda uburenganzira bwabo, icyo yakoresha cyose yibeshya cyane, atanga urugero ko abitwaza amaradiyo n'ibindi bitangazamakuru , ngo ni uburenganzira bwo gutanga ibitekerezo bakwiye kuzirikana ko n'Abanyarwanda bafite ubwabo.
Perezida yasoje Inama y'Igihugu y'Umushyikirano yari ifite insanganyamatsiko " Icyerekezo kimwe, Twongere imbaraga" asaba Abanyarwanda gukomeza gukora cyane.
Source: igihe.com
 
 

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Friday, 19 December 2014

[amakurunamateka] URGENT: AROUND 30 RWANDAN REFUGEES ARE BEING DEPORTED TO RWANDA FROM NAKIVALE CAMP IN UGANDA

 


URGENT: AROUND 30 RWANDAN REFUGEES ARE BEING DEPORTED TO RWANDA FROM NAKIVALE CAMP IN UGANDA.

19 décembre 2014

Amakuru

Yesterday an incident happened in Uganda, where the comandant of Nakivale refugee camp opened up operation at night with unknown people and police in the area of juru cell, the comandant Mr, Setamu forced Mr. Alexandra Sakindi, a journalist, who fled Rwanda last two months, to accuse Yosefu, a citizen of Belgiun and other 30 rwandan refugees, that they were supporting the opposition of Rwanda in exile. 

Kale Kayihura le chef de la police ugandaise , complice du régime de Paul Kagame

Kale Kayihura le chef de la police ugandaise, complice du régime de Paul Kagame

People tried to look for the comandant, Mr Setamu for that matter, and they later found out that comandant (Mr Setamu) had gone to Rwanda and now as we are giving out this information, the police post of Nakivale, Juru cell is carrying those refugees mentioned above on the UNHCR vehicles, type landcuisers number plates 0AA 851N and 0A0642X, and they are forcefully driving them from Nakivale to Rwanda. However, we call for any support to put pressure on Mr Setamu so that he can stop this action because it is not the first time he didn't this to rwandan refugees.

We call up the media, NGOs and other international human rights organisations to stop him before these people cross the boarder of Uganda. 

THIS IS HOW YOU CAN CONTACT THE POLICE AND MR SETAMU

  • This is the contact of the policeman, who is handling them: +256 782417796
  • This is the contact of the commandant Mr. Setamu: +256 700452905

Please let's try all together to save these felows, before they get killed as soon as they arrived to Rwanda. May the almighty God help to their freedom. Thanks!

 

SOS message from

Nkubito Eugene




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[amakurunamateka] DRC: Seven ideas to help end the FDLR rebel group in Congo | Enough

 


Seven ideas to help end the FDLR rebel group in Congo 

   

Editor's Note: Enough Project intern Jasper Kubasek contribited to this post.

In a new report, "How to Dismantle a Deadly Militia" the Enough Project sets out seven key non-military approaches to help end the FDLR's ability to continue to threaten peace and security in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and the region.

Following six months of research and interviews with armed commanders, civil society leaders, diplomats, ex-combatants, refugees, and military experts in eastern Congo on the topic of how to help end the deadly FDLR armed group, Enough released this report, offering seven policy proposals for diplomats such as U.S. Special Envoy Russ Feingold, U.N. Special Envoy Said Djinnit, and others to take action.

The research found that the armed group in Congo known as the FDLR is currently regrouping, mobilizing political support, and continuing to pose a threat to regional security. The FDLR (a French acronym for "Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda") is one of the most prominent and abusive armed groups in Congo and Rwanda, formerly known as the Interahamwe/ex-FAR and ALiR. Several of its leaders were involved in helping perpetrate the Rwandan genocide, and it has committed repeated massacres against civilians in eastern Congo. Several currently active armed groups in Congo state that combatting the FDLR is the reason they themselves remain active.

The UN Security Council and regional African governments have set a deadline for the FDLR to fully disarm by January 2, 2015 or face military action. While it is unclear who exactly will undertake this military action, as Congo and the troop-contributing countries of the UN Intervention Brigade (mainly South Africa and Tanzania) have hesitated to use force against this stated enemy of Rwanda, international diplomats and regional governments, including Congo, can take action on several non-military fronts.

Taking a military approach to ending the FDLR presents a significant set of issues, most notably the fact that the FDLR embeds itself in local communities and refugee populations, creating a legitimate risk that counter-FDLR operations will cause civilian casualties. This risk can be mitigated if operations using special forces target the FDLR leadership and also incorporate strong civilian protection measures. Since the defeat of the M23 rebel group in November 2013, the FDLR has received significant attention in both the region and the broader international community as the next main armed group to address. This attention, however, has translated into little policy action.

Although the FDLR claims that its fighters are in the process of disarming, the group has failed to meet several deadlines set by the UN Security Council and regional African governments. Evidence from UN experts and findings from Enough Project field research in Congo suggest that the FDLR's current strategy is focused on reorganizing itself in three main areas:

  • generating more income to trade for ammunition and weapons, particularly through trading gold through Uganda and charcoal from Virunga National Park to Goma
  • mobilizing political support in an attempt to gain greater legitimacy
  • preparing to avoid military defeat through alliance-building and recruitment

Defeating the FDLR will require a comprehensive strategy that incorporates both targeted military approaches and diplomatic action on non-military areas. In particular, the FDLR's collaboration with the Congolese army and its economic lifelines must be cut off.

How to Dismantle a Deadly Militia makes 7 key recommendations:

  1. Regional diplomacy. U.N. Special Envoy Said Djinnit should continue to proactively repair relations between Rwanda and South Africa as well as relations between Rwanda and Tanzania. The aim should be to forge regional consensus for both targeted military operations and urgently-needed non-military measures to neutralize the FDLR.
  2. Cutting off the FDLR's economic lifelines, including charcoal. U.S. and UN representatives should bolster the Virunga National Park rangers' (also known as The Congolese Institute for Nature Conservation, or ICCN) plans to to halt the FDLR's charcoal supply routes from Virunga National Park to Goma.
  3. Accountability for Congolese army officers. U.N. and U.S. diplomats should escalate pressure on the Congolese government to investigate, suspend, and indict Congolese military officers who are suspected of collaborating with the FDLR. The issue should be placed on the agendas of the ICGLR high-level talks and the U.N. Security Council. Such collaboration is a major issue, because it enables the rebels to avoid attacks and resupply.
  4. Work to apprehend FDLR leader Sylvestre Mudacumura and encourage public indictments. UN Special Envoy Said Djinnit, U.S. Special Envoy Russ Feingold, and Angolan President José dos Santos should urge MONUSCO and the Congolese government to cooperate with the International Criminal Court, apprehend Mudacumura, and strengthen the case against him.
  5. Third-country resettlement. Concrete regional resettlement options should be developed for FDLR combatants who are not indicted for atrocity crimes and who have a fear of return to Rwanda. Such offers should include the protective measures necessary to encourage increased defection.
  6. Refugees. Djinnit, Feingold, and Kobler should work with the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to set up protected camps for refugees in eastern Congo. The envoys should also ensure that MONUSCO provides security for the camps.
  7. Security guarantees. Djinnit, Feingold, and dos Santos should work with Rwanda to provide an improved security plan that is co-signed by international actors and to issue a new statement that would outline more concrete plans for security and non-prosecution guarantees for FDLR combatants not indicted for grave crimes.

Read the full report here >>

Editor's note: Enough Project intern Jasper Kubasek contributed to this post. 
Photo credit: Rebecca Blackwell/AP (2009)

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“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

KOMEZA USOME AMAKURU N'IBITEKEREZO BYA VUBA BYAGUCITSE:

RECOMMENCE

RECOMMENCE

1.Kumenya Amakuru n’amateka atabogamye ndetse n’Ibishobora Kukugiraho Ingaruka ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.

2.Kwisanzura mu Gutanga Ibitekerezo, Kurwanya Ubusumbane, Akarengane n’Ibindi Byose Bikubangamiye ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.