[haguruka.com] Rwanda : 40 ans c’est le délai estimé par les maîtres de Kagame pour qu’il puisse mater et formater le peuple rwandais.

 

http://editions-sources-du-nil.over-blog.com/2015/11/rwanda-40-ans-c-est-le-delai-estime-par-les-maitres-de-kagame-pour-qu-il-puisse-mater-et-formater-le-peuple-rwandais.html?utm_source=_ob_email&utm_medium=_ob_notification&utm_campaign=_ob_pushmail

Rwanda : 40 ans c'est le délai estimé par les maîtres de Kagame pour qu'il puisse mater et formater le peuple rwandais.

 Editions Sources du Nil  7 Novembre 2015  0

par Emmanuel Neretse

L'on se souvient que Paul Kagame a conquis le Rwanda par les armes en 1994. Il est donc à la tête de ce pays depuis maintenant 21 ans. Il s'était donné jusqu'en 2017 pour rester maître de sa conquête jugeant qu'à ce moment là il l'aura suffisamment pillé et entièrement soumis ses habitants. Mais après évaluation, il vient (ou plutôt ses gourous occidentaux) de se raviser et de juger qu'il lui faudrait encore 17 ans à compter de 2017 pour réaliser ce qui était jugé par certains irréalisable : à savoir soumettre un peuple majoritaire par une minorité venue de l'étranger et ignorant tout du pays et jadis honnie par la population. En 2034, l'ancien Major de l'armée ougandaise Paul Kagame, aura donc passé 40 ans à la tête du Rwanda et ceux qui l'ont créé estiment que ce délai est largement suffisant pour que le peuple rwandais soit définitivement maté mais surtout irréversiblement formaté aux normes définies par les psychologues et autres socio-ethnologues qui ont fait du Rwanda leur laboratoire dans les années 90 avec Paul Kagame comme laborantin.

Mater

Lorsque la géostratégie régionale a dicté que le Rwanda devait être conquis militairement par des combattants de la minorité tutsi venue d'Ouganda, le « challenge » principal n'était pas la prise du pouvoir par la force : quelques opérations bien planifiées pour démoraliser, désorganiser et même décapiter l'armée nationale, quelques renseignements précis fournis par les superpuissances, une propagande médiatique bien huilée, des alliances nouées avec des politiciens rwandais véreux ou contraints à collaborer…suffiraient pour s'assurer le contrôle militaire de tout le territoire en moins de quatre ans, d'autant qu'il était faiblement défendu. Le défi était de faire accepter à la majorité des Rwandais le joug de cette minorité venue de l'extérieur et qui lui rappelait les sombres années de la féodalité. Pour relever ce défi, Paul Kagame à la tête de ses combattants désormais maîtres du Rwanda et seigneurs des rwandais obtiendront carte blanche dans plusieurs domaines : il pourra user de la répression aveugle sans état d'âme et sans être dénoncé (Kibeho, 1995 ; Gisenyi-Ruhengeri, 1998- 2000). Il pourra envahir avec l'accord tacite des mêmes puissances et toujours avec leurs appuis n'importe quel pays voisin qui abrite des Rwandais susceptibles de dénoncer ou de résister à sa mainmise (RDC, 1996-2015 ). Parallèlement, à l'intérieur du pays, une politique d'auto-culpabilisation visant tous ceux qui vivaient au Rwanda avant 1994 sera instaurée et largement mise en œuvre avec pour résultat l'emprisonnement de plus d'un dixième de la population totale et la condamnation de pratiquement la moitié des citoyens de sexe masculin ( Gacaca). A l'étranger, les mêmes puissances installeront une machine à broyer tout ce qui serait considéré comme une émanation du régime renversé par Paul Kagame en 1994. Un tribunal théoriquement censé juger les crimes commis pendant la guerre de part et d'autre fut installé en Tanzanie mais reçut comme consigne de ne pas enquêter sur les crimes de Paul Kagame et ses combattants. Le TPIR se contenta donc de pourchasser ceux qui se battaient (politiquement ou militairement) avec les conquérants et qui légitimement défendaient leur pays. Au contraire le TPIR assura aux agresseurs une impunité totale (TPIR : 1994-2015). Voici donc 21 ans que Paul Kagame, en guise de gouvernance, s'emploie à materle peuple rwandais, il en faudra autant pour le formater.

Formater

Endoctriner un peuple à coups de lavage de cerveaux… ce qui s'appelle actuellement « formater »,cela s'est déjà vu dans l'histoire. Mais force est de constater que partout où ça s'est passé, quelques décennies ont suffi pour faire gommer les effets de ces tentatives et de restaurer la vraie nature des peuples (URSS, Chine, Cambodge, …). Dans le cas du Rwanda, l'objectif était de formater le peuple aux normes définies par ses gourous. Il s'agit notamment de réécrire l'histoire du Rwanda ou plutôt de gommer de l'histoire du pays la période de 1959 à 1994. Ensuite la génération née dans les années1990 et après sera formatée pour lui faire croire que c'est Paul Kagame qui a fait entrer le Rwanda moderne dans l'histoire, qu'un bon Rwandais ne doit pas se poser de question sur la politique dans son pays, que ses ancêtres ont commis un péché originel pour lequel les descendants devront demander éternellement pardon à Kagame et à sa clique…C'est dans ce cadre que le mouvement politico-militaire FPR devenu depuis un parti unique de fait, a mis en place des programmes politiques de formatage du peuple tels que : Intore, Ingando, Ndi Umunyarwanda… dans l'espoir qu'en 2017 ceux des Rwandais qui ne seront pas complètement formatés seront ou morts ou en prison.

Mater ou Formater : évaluation négative

A deux ans de l'échéance, une évaluation s'imposait donc pour voir si le peuple rwandais avait été complètement maté et irréversiblement formaté. Force est de constater avec eux que les objectifs n'ont pas été atteints. Des Rwandais courageux continuent de réclamer leurs droits même au risque de leurs vies. La vision historique du FPR de Paul Kagame continue d'être contestée par plusieurs Rwandais et même parmi ceux qui l'avaient accompagné dans sa conquête de 1990-1994. Les Rwandais dans leur for intérieur se moquent des campagnes de lavage de cerveaux. Ils ne vont dans les « Ingando » et ne se déclarent « Intore » que pour subsister. Mais au premier signal, ils redeviendraient eux mêmes.

Face à ce constat, les gourous de Paul Kagame ont donc revu leurs prévisions à la hausse. Ils estiment qu'un délai de 40 ans serait un minimum requis pour mater et formater un peuple. Autre constat, pendant cette période, c'est une personnalité déjà connue pour sa cruauté, ses assassinats sans état d'âme, qui devrait continuer à mater et à formater le peuple rwandais. La seule personne qui remplit ses critères et qui ne risquerait pas de faire courir le risque de démocratiser le Rwanda de son vivant est bien Paul Kagame.

Voilà pourquoi les soi-disant députés se sont livrés ou ont reçu pour approbation ce projet ridicule d'amendement de la constitution qui prend soin de garder Paul Kagame à la tête du Rwanda pendant un minimum de 40 ans (1994-2034) comme l'ont estimé les spécialistes occidentaux en matière de « mater et formater » les peuples. Ce délai sera-t-il suffisant en ce qui concerne le peuple rwandais connu comme obéissant mais clairvoyant et fier de son histoire surtout récente ? That is the question !

Emmanuel Neretse

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[haguruka.com] Re: Will Canada condemn Rwanda’s brutality at home and abroad?

 

Op-Ed: Will Canada condemn Rwanda's brutality at home and abroad? (Includes interview and first-hand account)

http://www.digitaljournal.com/news/world/op-ed-will-canada-condemn-rwanda-s-brutality-at-home-and-abroad/article/448585

On Nov 6, 2015, at 5:06 PM, Jean Bosco Sibomana sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com [fondationbanyarwanda] <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr> wrote:

 

Op-Ed: Will Canada condemn Rwanda's brutality at home and abroad? SPECIAL

In 1994 and 1997 when Paul Kagame's intelligence agents organized the murder of two Quebecois priests in Rwanda — Claude Simard and Guy Pinard — the Canadian government demanded answers in its inimitable diplomatic manner. As the years wore on Ottawa became even meeker, suggesting that Kigali should itself conduct an investigation, that it tacitly expected the killers to prosecute themselves, as it were. Of course Rwanda — whose army has always been notoriously obedient — had no intention of prosecuting itself. Canada was quick to acquiesce; according to the official historical meme, Kagame is credited with having stopped the genocide against interior Tutsis and saved Rwanda from oblivion. All was forgiven if not forgotten, with the notable exception of the aggrieved priests' families who became aware that Kagame's Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) was indeed responsible. Evidence from confidential UN documents has shown the RPF planned and executed the killings. The priests were targeted because they dared to speak out about the RPF's post genocide massacres of Hutu civilians. Simard was beaten to death with a hammer and left in a pool of blood. Pinard was shot in the back while giving communion to hundreds of parishioners.

In the intervening years Kagame's army was accused of killing hundreds of thousands of Rwandan refugees in the forests of neighboring Congo and backing militias in a war that left millions of Congolese dead, yet Canada continued to be geopolitically sympathetic. Not even a tut-tut from Ottawa as Rwanda inflamed a huge swath of African humanity – a country considered the cradle of humankind. Financial and political support continued unabated as Kagame and his military junta enriched themselves on everything from Congolese timber and extortion networks to black mud coltan used in cell phones.

In 2010 shortly before a UN report announced Kagame's army likely committed genocide in the Congo, Canadian Governor General Michaëlle Jean visited Kigali and asked for atonement. She warmly greeted Kagame and said Canada had failed to respond soon enough during the 1994 genocide. This despite the fact that Kagame warned Romeo Dallaire, the Canadian commander of the UN's peacekeeping mission in Rwanda, that the RPF would attack any intervening force that dared to deploy troops. On April 30, as the carnage was intensifying and Kagame's army was militarily gaining ground, RPF officials flatly told the United Nations that it should not authorize a second intervention force; there was no need.

Human rights organizations and international agencies estimated between 500,000 and one million Rwandans died during the violence that ostensibly ended in July. The principle victims were Tutsis targeted for extermination by Hutu extremists, but Hutus considered political obstacles were also killed. An unknown number of Hutu civilians -- possibly in the hundreds of thousands – were slaughtered in clandestine operations by Kagame's troops.

In later years Kagame would revise the narrative and appropriate the status of victim, accusing the international community of abandoning Rwanda during its darkest hour. It was an effective propaganda tool for leveraging guilt, bolstering aid and manufacturing a moral high ground that was fraudulent. Permanent victimhood also helped establish Rwanda as a nation apart, granting it sui generis and allowing the state to flout international law and target perceived opponents within and beyond its borders.

Over the last two decades, to the tune of a half a billion dollars, Canada has willfully backed a government that is as clever and manipulative as it is murderous.

Kagame has now plied Rwanda's Supreme Court and parliament to amend the constitution so that he can stay in power until 2034. In the meantime, in a bid to silence critics everywhere — even onCanadian soil — he's strengthened his sinewy intelligence apparatus, where coercion is born and the levers of presidential power fundamentally reside.

In light of this, the question should be asked whether Ottawa will continue to enable the tyranny, as the US and UK have done since 1994, or will it chart an altogether new, principled path?

Creating conditions for genocide

The ancient theologian Saint Augustine wrote that the awful catastrophe is not the end but the beginning. History does not end so. It is the way its chapters open.

When it comes to the ruling RPF where should we start? One could easily start in Uganda in the refugee camps where Rwandan Tutsi families had been driven to in the late 1950s, and that no doubt were a festering blight on history. But for argument's sake let's begin in Rwanda in 1994 — when the country's most frightening chapter in history began.

By that time upwards of a million Hutus had been uprooted from their homes and were living in squalid refugee camps in the north as a result of Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) invading in October 1990. Inside the camps, children played and defecated in the dirt between makeshift shelters dotting Rwanda's hillsides; mothers scrounged for food and malnutrition and infections were rife.

The camps themselves would become military targets. Alphonse Furuma, a former senior RPF official that fled the country in 2000 said RPA units routinely shelled the refugees using rocket launchers and guns mounted on hilltops, and massacredcivilians throughout RPA-controlled territory. Ethnic resentment among Hutus escalated and retaliatory massacres against Tutsis were not uncommon. International right organizations documented the violations against Tutsis, but none — including Human Rights Watch — documented and denounced the systematic war crimes committed by the RPA against Hutus during this period. There is simply no record of these violations. Furuma said that the RPA carried out a scorched earth campaign against Hutu peasants, deliberately destroying their livelihoods and creating a Tutsi land in the north of the country. In the context of this massive displacement, the RPF brought back scores of Tutsis who'd been forced into exile in Uganda from 1959 onward. "I should know," he said: "because my own family was resettled there."

Amid the humanitarian crisis, the international community brokered a peace agreement known as the Arusha accords and sent in a UN peacekeeping force to monitor it. The protocols were meant to force the majority Hutu to share political power with the minority Tutsi but the compromise inevitably stuck in the craw of ideologues on opposites ends of the ethnic spectrum. Kagame, like other extremists, sought to undermine the agreement. He wanted absolute power and knew he had to grab it then, since the RPF could never win democratic elections at the end of the transition period, as outlined in Arusha.

Evidence from a confidential UN document suggests that RPF intelligence operatives – or technicians as they were called – quickly organized the assassination of two Hutu politicians, Felicien Gatabazi and Martin Bucyana. The murders had the intended effect: they fomented chaos, entrenched ethnic divisionism and instilled paranoia in the general population; Rwanda was about to catch fire: it just needed a match.

By late March, in violation of the Arusha accords, RPA soldiers had massively infiltrated the capital and were suspected by the United Nations of having secretly transported weapons into Kigali, hidden in trucks covered with wood. At the same time, the Rwandan Hutu army — aided by local authorities — increased their weaponry and drew up lists of people suspected of collaborating with the enemy, according to Human Rights Watch.

On April 6th, shortly after 8 pm, a surface-to-air missile tore into a plane carrying Rwanda's president Juvenal Habyarimana and his Burundian counterpart Cyprien Ntaryamira, as it was preparing to land at the airport. The downing of Habyarimana's plane would prove to be apocalyptic; the assassinations unleashed the genocide and would later pave the way for Rwanda's invasion in the Congo.

Shockingly, the United Nations refused to launch an official inquiry into the plane attack; it wasn't politically convenient. Yet three independent investigations — two of them truncated — suggested Kagame's commandos killed the Rwandan president.

An internal investigation at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) led by Australian lawyer Michael Hourigan establishedthat a covert team planned and executed the operation. Hourigan's findings were based on three informants claiming to be members of an elite RPA group known as 'the network'. Hourigan and his team of investigators wanted to probe the matter further but were immediately shut down by ICTR's then chief prosecutor, Louise Arbour.

Another probe was conducted in 2003, under prosecutor Carla Del Ponte, by members of the ICTR's Special Investigations Unit (SIU). This team interviewed several former RPA members who testified that Kagame and his colleagues James Kabarebe and Kayumba Nyamwasa, along with other senior figures held three preparatory meetings during which they discussed attacking the plane.

The SIU said that Kagame set up a team in charge of the missiles, and that two missiles were placed under guard of the RPA's High Command unit. The investigators went on to name suspects involved in the planning and execution of the operations, and recommended further investigations. Yet the ICTR failed to follow up.

What is intriguing is that suspects named in a confidential SIU report correlate with those cited in a French inquiry led by anti terrorist judge Louis Bruguière — released a good three years later. Bruguiere, an intrepid man credited with tracking down Carlos the Jackal, concluded in 2006 that Kagame was intent on eliminating Habyarimana in order to seize power and he set up a commando team that accomplished the task. The judge issued arrest warrants against nine senior RPF officials. Rwanda was enraged and severed ties.

In 2007, in a bid to mend relations, France assigned Marc Trévidic to the case. His inquiry, like the previous one, has been marred by accusations of incompetence. Bruguière's investigation concluded that the missiles fired at the plane were Soviet made and came from Uganda — the RPF's organic ally. Further obscuring matters — the Trévidic probe decided to simulate acoustic tests in northern France using different missiles — 25H rockets instead of SAM-16s. Despite the technical drawbacks, acoustic experts inferred that the missiles could not have been launched from the RPF-controlled area of Masaka, a deduction that presumably invalidated, to some extent, the findings of Bruguière. Kigali and its allies claimed the report exonerated Kagame. To be fair, the Trévidic inquiry has yet to release its final conclusions but observers remain astonished at the level of investigative floundering.

In November 2014, a former soldier in Kagame's army who was due to testify as a witness in the French inquiry was kidnapped by suspected Rwandan agents in Nairobi after Trévidic revealed his name in legal documents. Emile Gafirita, who joined the RPA as a child soldier and served in Kagame's High Command unit for more than a decade, was due to tell the judge that he helped transport the missiles that were used to kill Habyarimana. As soon as his identity was revealed, a French lawyer representing Kagame's senior officials passed on that information to his clients in Kigali. Gafirita disappeared immediately and has not resurfaced since.

The weight of history

Recognizing this history is important because unlike the former regime that faced justice in the aftermath of genocide, the current regime committed abominable crimes and got away with them. The impunity Kagame has enjoyed for two decades has only fueled his despotism and military misadventures. In Rwanda, we now behold an Orwellian society whose structure is flagrantly artificial, where the ruling class succeeds in clinging to power by force and fraud.

All this matters because millions of lives are at stake in Rwanda, in the Congo and throughout the world, including Canada. These people know the Rwandan government operates like a criminal syndicate where murder, incarceration and protection of elite gains are pillars of policy.

A few recent cases in Canada are worth looking at.

Jean Berchmans Habinshuti is a Rwandan who fled his homeland in 2011 to seek asylum in Canada, where his wife and children had been living for several years.

Normally, his application should have been easy. Habinshuti was the private secretary to Agathe Uwilingiyimana, Rwanda's former prime minister who was killed by presidential guards the day after president Habyarimana's plane was shot down. Uwilingiyimana was a well-known Hutu moderate who was highly respected by the international community; she was also the first target of extremist factions of the former ruling MRND party and of the far right CDR vying for power when the chaos ensued. And because Habinshuti was close to Uwilingiyimana, he became a target too. He and his family went into hiding during the genocide.

Uwilingiyimana had been chosen under the Arusha accords to play a role in a future broad-based, transitional government, but she was never sworn in. The genocide began and a new interim government under Jean Kambanda took power. It is selected members of this government — along with former military officials and local authorities — that the ICTR holds responsible for committing genocide in Rwanda.

Habinshuti was never an official in Kambanda's government. After the genocide he went on to become a member of parliament, was a trusted colleague and later worked for a prominent NGO. He was never once accused of crimes by the ICTR or Rwanda's Gacaca courts.

But he eventually fell out with RPF officials when he refused to provide false testimony against someone the current regime wanted to frame. He then found himself in danger and fled. He is currently in prison in Ontario, sitting in a cell at Lindsay Superjail, waiting to be deported to Rwanda on November 16th.

How could this possibly happen? A Canadian immigration official with no grasp of Rwandan history determined that Habinshuti was a senior official in a government that committed genocide in 1994 and that he was therefore inadmissible to Canada. That is factually incorrect. Habinshuti worked for a woman who became a martyr and was eliminated as soon as the killings began. He did not hold a senior position or an informal position in which he was able to exercise a significant influence on the actions or politics of a regime that committed genocide.

Shortly after Habinshuti was jailed in May 2014 and awaiting deportation, the Rwandan government sensed an opportunity for political leverage. Twenty years after the genocide — in a world where international justice remains Kafkaesque — Rwanda accused Habinshuti of committing a mother lode ofcrimes.

"He (Habinshuti ) is suspected of having played a major role in the planning and execution of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi," Alain Mukuralinda, a spokesman for Rwanda's National Public Prosecution Authority, told ShanghaiDaily.com.

Mukuralinda said Habinshuti was charged with "genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, complicity in genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, murder and extermination as crimes against humanity."

If the Canadian Border Services Agency deports Habinshuti on November 16th, Canada will be violating his right to protection under the refugee convention. In other words, Canada will be breaking the law.

Two other cases of Rwandans wishing to join their families in Canada have been stymied because of Canada's designation that prohibits admission to all members of a government that committed genocide and crimes against humanity.

And yet not every senior official or minister in Rwanda's interim government during the genocide actually committed crimes. The RPF's official narrative is that every Hutu is potentially guilty of genocide against Tutsis, and that even Hutu children should atone for their parents' sins. The RPF's demonization and objectification of an entire ethnic group has had a devastating impact on the way Hutu refugees are portrayed in mainstream media and treated by governments around the world.

Jérome Bicamumpaka, Rwanda's former foreign minister and Casimir Bizimungu, former health minister were accused of genocide and complicity to commit genocide, along with other crimes. In 2011, after lengthy ICTR trials, both men were declared not guilty and acquitted of all charges. In theory they should have been able to join their families in Canada but Ottawa's blanket designation — which should be reviewed for the sake of those found not guilty by international courts — is keeping these families from being reunited.

"It has been painful for all of us," Bicamumpaka said in an interview from his safe house in Arusha, Tanzania. "There are no words to describe it, really."

Their cases highlight a significant failure in international law and have reinforced notions of victor's justice at the UN tribunal, where a succession of chief prosecutors have refused to indict Kagame and his senior commanders despite overwhelming evidence that his troops committedwar crimes and genocide in 1994 against Hutu civilians.

Notwithstanding this injustice, Rwandans are cautiously hopeful that Canada's new government might be bolder and allow a fairer treatment of those seeking protection from a regime that has enjoyed shocking levels of impunity and has silenced critics — through assassination and terror— since it seized power in 1994.

--

SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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[haguruka.com] Affaire Victoire Ingabire au Rwanda : le vice-président de son parti dénonce ses conditions de détention

 

Joseph Bukeye, vice-président du parti de Victoire Ingabire, les FDU-Inkingi, non-reconnu par Kigali, et président de la plateforme des partis de l'opposition rwandaise en exil, répond aux questions de François Mazet.

http://m.rfi.fr/emission/20151026-joseph-bukeye-regime-volonte-capacite-proces-equitable-rwanda-justice-opposante-vi

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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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Fwd: [rwanda_revolution] The Market Mogul @Is Rwanda Ready for a Boom?

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Jean Bosco Sibomana sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com [rwanda_revolution] <rwanda_revolution@yahoogroups.com>
Date: 4 November 2015 at 21:42
Subject: [rwanda_revolution] The Market Mogul @Is Rwanda Ready for a Boom?
To: Sibomana Jean Bosco <Sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com>

 

Endowments

Rwanda is a country whose history has seen one of the great man-made atrocities. Its 1994 genocide let its people scarred and economy in ruin. Over a million people were killed and more than 3 million displaced within Rwandan borders and even more fled as refugees to surrounding nations.

Rwanda is not blessed with a multitude of resources. It is landlocked and lacks natural resources. Even though it is one of the most densely populated countries in Africa nearly 90% of the population still relies on subsistence agriculture. In 2006 57% of its population was below the poverty line, in 2011 this had marginally improved to 45%. As of 2012 over 50% of its population was under the age of 20. This illustrates the scars from the 1994 genocide. However literacy rates are high at 70.5% although few have secondary education. Their school life expectancy is 10 years for not just males but also females.

Rwanda relies heavily on exports in coffee, tea and the minerals Cassirerite and Coltan. The crash in global mineral prices is likely to have a significant slowdown effect on the Rwandan economy and GDP growth in 2016.

Infrastructure

A public investment Programme including transport and energy has been prioritized.

One aspect of this is a new rail project set to connect the Kenyan port of Mombasa to the Rwandan capital of Kigali. This would be a significant step for the landlocked country as it is estimated that landlocked countries ay up to 84% more to export their goods than a coastal country. Especially considering only 10% of trade is accounted for by intra-Africa trade. The railway would stretch 2,945km and would lessen the already significant strain on the roads connecting the two cities. It will connect not just Kenya and Rwanda but would also run through the capitals of Niger and Burkina Faso. This is likely to have a huge impact on the currently lacking intra-industry trade. With the majority of the funding coming from China it is hoped production can begin in November.

Funding has been made available for the Mombasa-Nairobi link, however the Rwandan section which will cost $1.5bn is yet to secure financing.

Another project currently underway is the Rusumo falls hydroelectric power project, which will increase the supply of electricity. Financed by the World Bank and the African Devlopment Bank the power station will be built on the Kagera River at an estimated cost of $300 million. Citizens will not only be employed in construction of turbines but also the transmission lines and national grid. It is estimated to increase electricity access rates in Rwanda by 4%.

Politics

Rwanda is currently under the leadership of Paul Kagame who was once called a 'visionary leader' by Tony Blair and 'one of the greatest leaders of out time' by Bill Clinton. A frequent twitter user he is known to engage his critics in fierce debates on the social media site.

He has achieved much during his 25-year reign. He has overseen the swfit punishment of the guilty in democratic courts and his citizens have seen the GDP per capita steadily growing since.

His rule has however been marred with controversy including allegations of torture and imprisonment. Not helped by suspicions arising after the deaths of various government critics. The Economist said of Kagame:

"Although he vigorously pursues his admirers in western democracies, he allows less political space and press freedom at home than Robert Mugabe does in Zimbabwe." tweet

The current constitution currently comprises of a two-term limit of presidential terms. However, Kagame has already started the process to amend the constitution allowing him to seek re-election in 2017. This has now been confirmed and the term limits removed meaning Kagama can rule the country for the next 19 years until 2034.

The government has however instigated numerous reforms since 1994 in an effort to attract FDI and boost business and industry in the economy.

A selection of reforms

• Eliminated the need for new companies to open a bank account in order to register for VAT.
• Introduced provisions to protect minority investors allowing holders of 10% of a company's shares to call for an extraordinary meeting of shareholders.
• Introduction of electronic filing of tax returns.
• Reduced cost of obtaining a new connection for electricity.
• New company law requiring greater corporate disclosure, increasing director liability and improving shareholders access to information.

Tourism

Blessed with active volcanoes, national parts, forests and home to a multitude of different species of animals. The potential tourist industry in Rwanda is relatively untapped and undeveloped. With increased promotion and investment this sector could see rapid improvements.

Aid

In 2012 the British government withheld aid payments to Rwanda due to fears that they had been financing rebels part of the M23 group in the DRC. This amounted to £21m of budget support that would have gone to the government. This followed aid withdrawals from the US, Germany and Sweden.

This was a significant complication for the Rwandan economy as Britain is Rwanda's largest bilateral donor and had in fact intended to increase its aid to £90m by 2015. The situation is especially critical since Rwanda relies on donors for about 40% of its public budget. This allows foreign funds great leverage over Rwanda's democratic, politically and economic future.

There is also significant controversy surrounding trafficking, especially of women and children for sex and slavery. Men and children have also been forcefully recruited to M23, the DRC rebel group with the consent of Rwandan officials. Rwanda has initiated major reforms and subsequently has risen rapidly in the World Banks 'Easiest place to do business' report from 145^th to around 42^nd. It has also seen significant gains in 'protection of minority investors' allowing it to climb from 121^st position to 88^th.

Stock Exchange

The Rwanda Stock Exchange, initially set up in January 2011, has shown an increase so far this year of Rwf34.4bn turnover, a 45.7% increase compared to last year. There has been an 18% increase in new investors, 78.9% of whom are in fact Rwandans. Although still extremely volatile due to currency fluctuations the exchange shows promise. Celestin Rwabukumba, the RSE chief executive officer has said that all listed firms on the RSE are blue-chip companies and market leaders in their respective markets. Some of Rwanda's largest companies have announced and successfully carried out IPO's on the exchange.

An example is Crystal Telecom, which owns a 20% stake in mobile operator MTN Rwandacel. The shares traded at a 38% premium and were oversubscribed by 123%. This was only the third firm to have a primary listing on the exchange. The future is perhaps bright for the Rwandan capital markets with companies seeking to list, invest or trade on their exchange.

They announced that on November 23^rd it would sell a three-year Treasury bond worth $20m to provide support for infrastructure financing and increase the developed in the Rwandan capital markets. They have in fact engaged in a couple of successful bond issuances in the last couple years starting from 2014.

Although clearly facing a myriad of challenges. The future is bright as President Kagame said 'Twenty years ago, Rwanda had no future, only a past. Today, half of all Rwandans are under 20.' They have overcome great adversity to be in the current economic condition they are today, with growth rates on par with the emerging Asian economies and per capita income increasing by 400% since 1994. Their Gini coefficient has fallen from 28.9 in 1985 to 46.8 by 2000 showing that not all gains from the rapid development has gravitated to the wealthy there has been relatively even growth.

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SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
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Fwd: [rwanda_revolution] Re: *DHR* Burundi: Des ‪#‎Sindumuja‬ à Mutakura ont tiré sur un homme,'ont extincté le coeur avant de le brûler. [1 Attachment]

 

[Attachment(s) from J.C. Tuvugishukuri included below]

Chers tous,

Cette manière de tuer froidement les victimes est le propre du FPR. Tous les rwandais de la région du nord du Rwanda dont notamment Ruhengeri et Byumba ont été témoins de ces crimes et des tortures indescriptibles, humiliants et les horreurs dont le but est de montrer leur animosité cotre toute personne qui s'oppose à eux. 

Le fait de manger les cœurs des victimes, éventrer les femmes enceintes, Akandoya, crucifier les paysans sur des arbres de la forêt, faire manger les bébés et fœtus par leurs parents, frères et sœurs  encore vivants etc. 

Malheureusement, les Etats Unies d'Amérique, et certains pays européens permettent encore aux criminels du FPR de visiter nos pays ici en Europe. Pire encore, le plus grand criminel que notre planète ait jamais connu vient souvent ici en Europe avec ses escadrons de la mort qui n"'hésitent pas à frapper, tenter d'assassiner les exilés du régimes aujourd'hui citoyens européens. 

Jean-Christophe Tuvugishukuri, political analyst et libre penseur

It doesn't depend on you whether or not I exist. If you don't like me, don't accept my invitation and don't invite me to come and see you. Whether you like it or not, history is on my side, I will bury you.

Jean-Christophe, Utrecht,April 3rd, 2004.

Nothing but Human rights. We Will Win ! 

 

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From: "Innocent TWAGIRAMUNGU itwagira71@gmail.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
To: "Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Sent: Thursday, November 5, 2015 2:52 PM
Subject: *DHR* Burundi: Des ‪#‎Sindumuja‬ à Mutakura ont tiré sur un homme,'ont extincté le coeur avant de le brûler.

 

https://www.facebook.com/francoisxavier.ndaruzaniye?pnref=story

 

Par François-Xavier Ndaruzaniye

"‪#‎Burundi‬, Sungura Gabin, originaire de la Commune Gitaramu, en province de Karusi,Cadre de l'assurance Jubilee, est tombé hier soir dans les mains des ‪#‎Sindumuja‬ à Mutakura. Ils ont tiré sur sa voiture Probox, et l'ont extincté le coeur avant de le brûler. Turahojeje umuryango asize. Turabuze intwari.
‪#‎StopSindumuja‬"

François-Xavier Ndaruzaniye a ajouté 2 nouvelles photos.

3 h · Modifié ·

‪#‎Burundi‬, Sungura Gabin, originaire de la Commune Gitaramu, en province de Karusi,Cadre de l'assurance Jubilee, est tombé hier soir dans les mains des ‪#‎Si...ndumuja‬ à Mutakura. Ils ont tiré sur sa voiture Probox, et l'ont extincté le coeur avant de le brûler.
Turahojeje umuryango asize. Turabuze intwari.
‪#‎StopSindumuja‬

Afficher la suite

UT UNUM SINT

Maître Innocent TWAGIRAMUNGU, DHR FOUNDER&OWNER
http://fr.groups.yahoo.com/group/democracy_human_rights

 

" BE NICE TO PEOPLE ON YOUR WAY UP, BECAUSE YOU MIGHT MEET THEM ON YOUR WAY DOWN." Jimmy DURANTE.

COMBATTONS la haine SANS complaisance, PARTOUT et avec Toute ENERGIE!!!!!!
Let's  rather prefer P.L.H.L ,Peace, Love , Hope and Life, and get together as one!!!
Inno TWAGIRA

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Fwd: [fondationbanyarwanda] Hacyenewe Revolisiyo y'Abanyarwanda!

Revolisiyo yo muri 1959 yiswe iy'Abahutu bari barakandamijwe n'ingoma y'ubucakara n'uburetwa y'Umwami yatumye Abahutu bagira ijambo mu gihugu cyabo, n'uruhare kubyiza no k'ubutegetsi by'u Rwanda, nubwo bwose habayemo ubwicanyi n'ubuhunzi bwa bamwe mu Banyarwanda, uretse ko no muri izo mpunzi hari izagiye ku bushake zitemera ubutegetsi bw'Abahutu.

Izo mpunzi nizo zisuganije, zifashijwe n'amahanga, zishinga FPR INKOTANYI, zitera u Rwanda, zigira uruhare rukomeye mu kumena amaraso menshi kugeza kuri jenoside. 

Kuva zafata ubutegetsi kugeza magingo aya, zaboshye Abanyarwanda zikoresheje iterabwoba, igitugu, inzara, indwara, gufata no gufungira ubusa, irondakoko, kwiharira ubutegetsi n'ubukungu bw'igihugu, cyane hibandwa ku Batutsi bavuye i Bugande.

Abanyarwanda rero bageze aharindimuka kubera ubwo butegetsi bw'agatsiko ka FPR na Kagame kabogamiye ku bwoko, bukoresha iyozabwonko, ubuhendabana n'ikinyoma, bugamije inyungu z'ako gatsiko, guheza Abanyarwanda mu icuraburindi no guhuma amaso y'abanyamahanga!

Ningombwa rero, nkuko byabaye kuva muri 1957 na Manifeste y'Abahutu berekanaga akaga n'akababaro kabo ko guhezwa mu gihugu cyabo, ko Abanyarwanda bo mu bwoko bwose babangamiwe n'ingoma y'agacinyizo ya FPR na Kagame, bakora nka bariya bababanjirije, bagashirika ubwoba, bagahaguruka nk'umugabo umwe, bagakora Revolisiyo yo kwibohora buriya butegetsi bubakandamiza, bubacyenesha, bubahahamura, bubabuza uburenganzira bwabo bw'ibanze, aribwo bwo kugira igihugu bisanzuriramo!

Imiryango ya politiki n'andi mashyirahamwe afite impirimbanyi ziyemeje guharanira ukuri, demokarasi, ukwishyira ukizana mu Rwanda, irangajwe imbere n'intwari nka Madame Victoire Ingabire,  Mushayidi Déo, Matata n'abandi biyemeje kwitangira Abanyarwanda kugeza naho babizira nka Rwisereka, Karegeya na Léonard Rugambage, nashishikarize, hakoreshejwe uburyo bwose, abayoboke bayo, Abanyarwanda bose n'inshuti zayo, biyemeje kurwanya akarengane akariko kose kugirango amahoro, umutekano n'ubusabane birangwe mu Baturarwanda, bagaragaze ko banze agasuzuguro n'ubwicanyi bwa kariya gatsiko, maze bigobotore iriya ngoma yitwara nk'iya cyami Abarwanashyaka basezereye muri 1959!  

Twese hamwe tuzatsinda!

Michel Niyibizi.

Nyiramatwi niyumve!

Michel Niyibizi.

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Envoyé par : Michel Niyibizi <niyimike@yahoo.fr>

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