Monday, 11 January 2016

Re: [haguruka.com] Fw: DHR Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yishwe urw'agashinyaguro na Fred IBINGIRA

Kirya abandi .... Humura Bishop wawe niba ari umwere ari mw'ijuru.

Le 10 janv. 2016 11:55 PM, "Alfred Nganzo alfrednganzo@yahoo.com [haguruka]" <haguruka@yahoogroups.com> a écrit :

On Sunday, 10 January 2016, 14:18, "Mpere Theodore tmpere@hotmail.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> wrote:

Umurambo wa Nyakubahwa Mgr Phocas Nikwigize, umushumba ushagawe, wakundaga intama ze zose, ntawe arobanuye, n' ubwo uwo murambo bawangirije, ntibangirije Roho ye bibaho.

Iyo minsi irenga 30, cg se igera kuri 40 nkiyo Yezu yababaye, irerekana ukuntu bene muntu turi inyamaswa, kandi ko ibibi byose dukora ku isi, byanze bikunze bizatugaruka, ndetse bigakurikira n'abo tuzabyara.

Kwirata wivuga imyato ngo wishe Bioshop, uzirikana neza ko nta kibi yakoze, azira gusa isura rye n'ineza ye, biteye agahinda n'uburerer bucye ku bantu biyita ngo ni imfura.

Ubwo bupfura se buri he? Uko nikwo kwambikwa imidende kwa Ibingira, amaze gucyana uruti?

Aribeshya cyane, kandi ntibizatinda kwigaragaza.Sindagura, simpanura, ariko ararye ari menge, kuko bitazamuhira na busa.

Kujugunya umurambo wa Musenyeri muri Lac Vert ngo amaraso ye atazakongera urwanda rushya, ahubwo nibwo buryo bwerekana ko ruzarushaho gushya, kuko ugira neza ukayisanga imbere, wakora ishyano, rikagukurikira.

Nta kibi cyose kizakorerwa ku isi kitazamenyekana, kandi n'inkozi z'ibibi zose, zirarye ziri menge, kuko Imana ihôra ihoze.

Aho kwicuza ibyaha byakozwe, ahubwo abantu bigamba ibibi ndengakamere, ngo nibwo bugabo.

Sinarenganya Ibingira, kuko nibwo burere yahawe, niyo mashuli yize.

None se hari umuntu utanga ibyo atagira?

Izo mpamyabumenyi ze zo kuvutsa ubuzima abana b'Urwanda, Imana izabimubabalire, kuko atazi ibyo avuga, akora.

Ajye yirira brochettes gusa,yinywere ikiyeli, ahasigaye asingize Patron we Kagame wamugize icyo ari acyo, ariko yibuka ko ntawe urama nk'umusozi.

Burya ngo iminsi ikona ingwe.

Théodore

De : Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> de la part de Shankuru Maurice m_shankuru3000@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights] <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Envoyé : samedi 9 janvier 2016 23:10
À : FOUCHER Pierre
Objet : *DHR* Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yishwe urw'agashinyaguro na Fred IBINGIRA

Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yishwe urw'agashinyaguro na Fred IBINGIRA

« Iriya nterahamwe mwita Bishop Phocas Nikwigize, twamukaniye urumukwiye hanyuma amayiti ye tuyajugunya muri Lac Vert ».

Ayo magambo ateye agahinda yavuzwe na jenerali Fred Ibingira. Yari yagiye muri paruwasi ya Cyeza (diyosezi ya Kabgayi) gusura padiri Eliyasi Kiwanuka ukomoka i Bugande. Uwahoze ari Fratiri Gérard Rubayiza na we yari ahari, mu biruhuko. Ni uko rero mu gihe baganiraga bafata ka borosheti basoma n'akayoga, Afande Ibingira yavuze byinshi ku ntambara zinyuranye yarwanye kuva mu buto bwe, ashaka kwerekana ukuntu ari intwari cyane, ko kandi yagize uruhare rukomeye mu gutuma FPR igera ku ntsinzi no kuba igihagaze neza mu kibuga kugera na n'ubu ! Abamwumvaga baje gutega amatwi ku buryo budasanzwe atangiye kubabwira uko "Bishop wa Ruhengeri yishwe urw'agashinyaguro". Amajwi y'icyo kiganiro yashoboye gufatwa kuri kaseti (cassette-audio), iyo na yo iriho kandi ishyinguye neza.

I. Dore uko byagenze:

Mu w'1994, Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yahungiye kuri Goma hamwe n'abakristu n'abapadiri hafi ya bose ba diyosezi ya Ruhengeri.Yari acumbitse mu nzu ya Musenyeri NGABU (Evêché) wayoboraga Diyosezi ya Goma ariko agakomeza kwita ku bakristu be bari mu nkambi. Yafashe icyemezo cyo gutahukana n'izindi mpunzi ubwo FPR yari itangiye gahunda yo gusenya inkambi z'impunzi z'Abahutu muri Kongo, ku ngufu za gisirikari. Musenyeri Phocas yavuye i Goma mu modoka ye ya Mercedes, yari itwawe n'umupadiri w'umutaliyani witwa Lucchetta. Yari yabanje kwizezwa ko umutekano we urinzwe kuko bamuhaye umusirikari w'umwofisiye uzwi cyane muri kariya karere ku izina rya JEF ngo abe ari we umuherekeza,hatagira abamuhohotera mu nzira, ntibakamenye ahubwo ko iyo kabutindi JEF ari we wari ugenewe kumuterera mu maboko ya rubamba!Bageze kuri Gasutamo (Goma-Gisenyi), nibwo abasirikari ba FPR bahubuje uwo mupadiri w'umutaliyani mu modoka, barayitwara, na Musenyeri Phocas baramugumana . Hari ku italiki ya 26.11.1996.Yanyerejwe ubwo, ntawongeye kumuca iryera. JEF ubu ni umusirikari ukorera mu karere ka Masisi.

Nk'uko Fred Ibingira yakomeje abivuga, muri uwo mugoroba wari wabaye nk'uwo kwishimira intsinzi aho kuri paruwasi ya Cyeza,Musenyeri Phocas amaze gufatwa bamujyanye ahantu habugenewe, hazigamirwa abahoze ari ibihangange bo ku ngoma z'Abahutu. Ni uko ngo "abana" (Kadogo) bakajya "bamugemurira" mu gitondo, saa sita na nijoro. Abo bana ni bo bamucuje imyambaro ye, bamuterera ku ngoyi aboheye amaboko inyuma, bamukiniraho uko bashoboye; bakamugaburira amakofi, inshyi n'imigeri. Inyota n'inzara byamwica, bakamuhatira gushakishiriza mu kadobo karimo umwanda we! Baje kujya bamukeba ibice bimwe by'umubiri kugirango ababare, yishyure ibyo interahamwe zakoze guhera muri 1959! Baje kumukuramo amaso yombi, amara iminsi agongera, nyuma baza kumukeba ubugabo, ahita ahwera. Yababajwe iminsi irenga 30 mbere yo kunogoka. Bamuhambiriye mu kintu kimeze nk'umufuka bongeramo n'amabuye aremereye. Bamutereye mu modoka ya gisirikari bajya kumuta mu Kiyaga cya Lac Vert kiri i Goma ngo kugirango amaraso ye atazatera umwaku Urwanda rushya! Umwe mu bari bateze amatwi jenerali Ibingira yamubajije icyo bahoye Musenyeri Phocas, arasubiza ngo:"sinzi ibyo uwo mujinga yirirwaga avuga iyo mu nkambi, akanabyandika…".

Envoyé par : Mpere Theodore <tmpere@hotmail.com>

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Posted by: Benoit Karekezi <innotechrw@yahoo.fr>

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Hundreds of Congolese troops withdraw from Central African force

Comment:

This is really a good decision by UN. No room for rape, sexual acts ( with or without consent), sexual abuses of children among UN peacekeepers. This should be zero tolerance.

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Hundreds of Congolese troops withdraw from Central African force

Source: Reuters - Sat, 9 Jan 2016 16:09 GMT

Author: Reuters

Democratic Republic of the Congo soldiers, part of an African peacekeeping force, patrol along a street in Bangui, February 12, 2014. REUTERS/Luc Gnago

BANGUI, Jan 9 (Reuters) - Hundreds of peacekeepers from Democratic Republic of Congo on a U.N. peacekeeping mission in Central African Republic will withdraw, a spokesman said on Saturday, after they failed an internal assessment.

The historically turbulent former French colony suffered an intensification of violence in 2013 when mostly Muslim rebels known as Seleka seized power in a coup.

Since then, militias drawn from the Christian majority have launched reprisal attacks and thousands of people have been killed and around a million displaced despite efforts by U.N. and French peacekeepers to restore order.

"It is confirmed that the Congolese unit will withdraw from MINUSCA," said Vladimir Monteiro, spokesman for the U.N. mission in Central African Republic. "The contingent will leave and not be replaced."

Asked about whether the withdrawal could jeopardise security, Monteiro declined to give an immediate comment, saying a further announcement would be made next week.

In August, three Congolese peacekeepers in Central African Republic were accused of raping three female civilians, including one minor. Congolese Justice Minister Alexis Thambwe said at the time the allegations would be investigated.

It was not immediately clear whether such allegations were the main factor behind the decision to withdraw Congolese troops. A U.N. spokesperson in New York earlier said that the U.N. review of Congolese troops assessed the equipment, the vetting procedures and overall preparedness of the contingent.

This month, the U.N. said it was investigating new allegations of sexual abuse of minors by peacekeepers.

According to the U.N. peacekeeping website, there are 809 Congolese troops and 123 police deployed as part of the 11,000-strong U.N. peacekeeping mission in Central African Republic, known as MINUSCA.

Paris also plans to draw down its troops in the country, which originally numbered around 2,000, once a transition back to democracy is complete.

A run-off presidential vote is due on January 31, with former prime minister Anicet Georges Dologuele placing first in the initial round without securing an outright majority.

(Reporting by Crispin Dembassa-Kette; Writing by Emma Farge; Editing by Tom Heneghan)

[haguruka.com] As Rwanda’s totalitarian regime is revealed, sponsors reconsider support.

From The Globe and Mail:
As Rwanda's totalitarian regime is revealed, sponsors reconsider support

Via The Globe and Mail's iPhone app

As Rwanda's totalitarian regime is revealed, sponsors reconsider support

GEOFFREY YORKJOHANNESBURG | The Globe and MailLast Updated: Friday, Jan. 08, 2016 6:00AM EST

Village informers. Re-education camps. Networks of spies on the streets. Routine surveillance of the entire population. The crushing of the independent media and all political opposition. A ruler who changes the constitution to extend his power after ruling for two decades.

It sounds like North Korea, or the totalitarian days of China under Mao. But this is the African nation of Rwanda – a long-time favourite of Western governments and a major beneficiary of millions of dollars in Canadian government support.

The chilling details are from two recent books by researchers who spent years in the country. While the authoritarian nature of the Rwandan regime is already well-known, and The Globe and Mail has already reported evidence of Rwanda's role in attempting to assassinate exiled dissidents, the recent books give a disturbing portrait of a much broader system that puts the entire civilian population under the regime's tight control, through surveillance by spies and neighbourhood informers.

Until now, Rwanda has enjoyed a huge amount of support from foreign governments – mostly because of its ability to dazzle outsiders with its economic reforms, its anti-corruption drives and its clean and tidy streets, and because of the lingering Western feeling of guilt over the 1994 genocide.

Canada has given more than $500-million in aid to Rwanda since the genocide, including about $30-million in 2013 alone. In total, Rwanda gets nearly $1-billion in annual aid from the West, accounting for almost 40 per cent of its government budget.

But this support might finally be starting to change. The United States, while still an ally of Rwandan strongman Paul Kagame, has been increasingly critical of his human-rights abuses and his efforts to manipulate the constitution to stay in power. Under the latest constitutional changes, Mr. Kagame will be able to stay in power until 2034 – giving him a stunning 40 years in control of Rwanda.

A few days ago, the U.S. State Department said it was "deeply disappointed" by Mr. Kagame's announcement that he will seek another presidential term.

"The United States believes constitutional transitions of power are essential for strong democracies and that efforts by incumbents to change rules to stay in power weaken democratic institutions," it said. "We are particularly concerned by changes that favour one individual over the principle of democratic transitions."

With the United States shifting away from its blanket support for Mr. Kagame, and with the growing evidence that the Kagame regime is heavily involved in human-rights violations that include killings and the imprisonment of dissidents, it will be interesting to see if the new government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau reconsiders Canada's support for Rwanda.

Already, in recent years, Canada has been moving away from general financial aid for the Rwandan government. Instead, it has preferred to support civil-society groups and independent agencies, especially in areas such as agriculture and rural development.

On its official website for its Rwandan programs, the Canadian government says: "Canada regularly stresses to Rwanda the importance of a pluralist society, respecting commitments on human rights, and seeking concrete solutions to challenges in the region related to peace and security."

But it's not enough to issue gentle reminders to a regime that brutally controls the daily lives of its people; consider the revelations of a newly published book, Bad News: Last Journalists in a Dictatorship. The book was written by Anjan Sundaram, who worked as a media trainer in Rwanda, trying to encourage and protect the dwindling band of independent journalists in the country. His book is a glimpse inside an Orwellian society of deep social control.

One by one, the Rwandan journalists in his training program were imprisoned, forced to flee the country, converted into pro-Kagame propagandists or even harassed into madness. The author attended rallies in which Mr. Kagame's obedient subjects sang his praises. He met a mother who denounced her own sons as rebels, allowing one of them to be executed and the other to be "re-educated." He even witnessed a Rwandan family gathering around a photo of Mr. Kagame and praying to him, seeing him as their sole protector.

"The state was highly ordered and controlled," Mr. Sundaram observed. "Every piece of the country was organized into administrative units benignly called 'villages.' Each village … contained about 100 families. Even the capital was but an agglomeration of such villages. Each village had its head, its security officer, and its 'journalist' or informer, all of whom had to approve of one's behaviour if one wanted something from the government – a passport, for example."

Thousands of rural people were ordered into new "villages" to deepen this control, he wrote. "Directives from the government now could be followed down to the individual. And there was no privacy. Officials and security agents in the villages kept track of visitors and those travelling. Permission was required if someone was to sleep overnight."

Another recent book, by Canadian scholar Susan Thomson and published in 2013, studies the tiny ways in which ordinary Rwandans try to resist the regime's social controls. The book, Whispering Truth to Power, describes a frightening mixture of control tactics by Mr. Kagame's ruling party, including "dense networks of spies" and "near-constant surveillance by local authorities and neighbours alike."

One of the most chilling examples of these control techniques is the system of military-style re-education camps and "solidarity camps." Many Rwandans are obliged or "encouraged" to attend formal lectures in these camps, in barrack-style quarters, for an average of 12 weeks each. At lectures, they are drilled on the regime's version of Rwandan history and government programs. "There is a significant military presence, with armed soldiers monitoring the activities of participants," Ms. Thomson writes.

Ms. Thomson, a professor at Colgate University in New York State, was able to research these camps from the inside – because she herself was ordered to attend a re-education camp. She had been conducting ethnographic research on how ordinary peasant Rwandans were affected by the government's national-unity policies, until the government ordered her to stop her research in 2006. It said the peasants had "filled her head with negative ideas," and she was "too kind to prisoners accused of acts of genocide."

So she was required to attend a Rwandan re-education camp. The government took away her passport until it was satisfied that she had been "re-educated."

In a separate academic article on her 2006 experience, Ms. Thomson described how she and other participants were marched to their lessons in single file and then subjected to hours of non-stop lectures. "No questions were allowed; anyone who stretched his legs or began to nod off was jostled back to attention by one of the six armed military escorts who stood guard around the pitch," she recalled.

One participant, a former physician named Antoine, quietly asked her to "alert the world" about the plight of Hutus under the Tutsi-dominated government. "When one of the ever-present armed soldiers who monitored our lesson witnessed this, he strode up to where we were sitting and slammed Antoine's bare feet with the butt of his rifle," she wrote.

Then the soldier went after the Canadian scholar. "He grabbed me, pulled me close to him and then threw me on the ground, pointing to where I was to sit silently for the rest of the lesson."

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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.

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Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>

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[haguruka.com] Lies About Rwanda Mean More Wars If Not Corrected.

http://worldbeyondwar.org/lies-rwanda-mean-wars-corrected/

Lies About Rwanda Mean More Wars If Not Corrected.

Urge the ending of war these days and you'll very quickly hear two words: "Hitler" and "Rwanda." While World War II killed some 70 million people, it's the killing of some 6 to 10 million (depending on who's included) that carries the name Holocaust. Never mind that the United States and its allies refused to help those people before the war or to halt the war to save them or to prioritize helping them when the war ended — or even to refrain from letting the Pentagon hire some of their killers. Never mind that saving the Jews didn't become a purpose for WWII until long after the war was over. Propose eliminating war from the world and your ears will ring with the name that Hillary Clinton calls Vladimir Putin and that John Kerry calls Bashar al Assad.

Get past Hitler, and shouts of "We must prevent another Rwanda!" will stop you in your tracks, unless your education has overcome a nearly universal myth that runs as follows. In 1994, a bunch of irrational Africans in Rwanda developed a plan to eliminate a tribal minority and carried out their plan to the extent of slaughtering over a million people from that tribe — for purely irrational motivations of tribal hatred. The U.S. government had been busy doing good deeds elsewhere and not paying enough attention until it was too late. The United Nations knew what was happening but refused to act, due to its being a large bureaucracy inhabited by weak-willed non-Americans. But, thanks to U.S. efforts, the criminals were prosecuted, refugees were allowed to return, and democracy and European enlightenment were brought belatedly to the dark valleys of Rwanda.

Something like this myth is in the minds of those who shout for attacks on Libya or Syria or the Ukraine under the banner of "Not another Rwanda!" The thinking would be hopelessly sloppy even if based on facts. The idea that SOMETHING was needed in Rwanda morphs into the idea that heavy bombing was needed in Rwanda which slides effortlessly into the idea that heavy bombing is needed in Libya. The result is the destruction of Libya. But the argument is not for those who pay attention to what was happening in and around Rwanda before or since 1994. It's a momentary argument meant to apply only to a moment. Never mind why Gadaffi was transformed from a Western ally into a Western enemy, and never mind what the war left behind. Pay no attention to how World War I was ended and how many wise observers predicted World War II at that time. The point is that a Rwanda was going to happen in Libya (unless you look at the facts too closely) and it did not happen. Case closed. Next victim.

Edward Herman highly recommends a book by Robin Philpot called Rwanda and the New Scramble for Africa: From Tragedy to Useful Imperial Fiction, and so do I. Philpot opens with U.N. Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali's comment that "the genocide in Rwanda was one hundred percent the responsibility of the Americans!" How could that be? Americans are not to blame for how things are in backward parts of the world prior to their "interventions." Surely Mr. double Boutros has got his chronology wrong. Too much time spent in those U.N. offices with foreign bureaucrats no doubt. And yet, the facts — not disputed claims but universally agreed upon facts that are simply deemphasized by many — say otherwise.

The United States backed an invasion of Rwanda on October 1, 1990, by a Ugandan army led by U.S.-trained killers, and supported their attack on Rwanda for three-and-a-half years. The Rwandan government, in response, did not follow the model of the U.S. internment of Japanese during World War II, or of U.S. treatment of Muslims for the past 12 years. Nor did it fabricate the idea of traitors in its midst, as the invading army in fact had 36 active cells of collaborators in Rwanda. But the Rwandan government did arrest 8,000 people and hold them for a few days to six-months. Africa Watch (later Human Rights Watch/Africa) declared this a serious violation of human rights, but had nothing to say about the invasion and war. Alison Des Forges of Africa Watch explained that good human rights groups "do not examine the issue of who makes war. We see war as an evil and we try to prevent the existence of war from being an excuse for massive human rights violations."

The war killed many people, whether or not those killings qualified as human rights violations. People fled the invaders, creating a huge refugee crisis, ruined agriculture, wrecked economy, and shattered society. The United States and the West armed the warmakers and applied additional pressure through the World Bank, IMF, and USAID. And among the results of the war was increased hostility between Hutus and Tutsis. Eventually the government would topple. First would come the mass slaughter known as the Rwandan Genocide. And before that would come the murder of two presidents. At that point, in April 1994, Rwanda was in chaos almost on the level of post-liberation Iraq or Libya.

One way to have prevented the slaughter would have been to not support the war. Another way to have prevented the slaughter would have been to not support the assassination of the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi on April 6, 1994. The evidence points strongly to the U.S.-backed and U.S.-trained war-maker Paul Kagame — now president of Rwanda — as the guilty party. While there is no dispute that the presidents' plane was shot down, human rights groups and international bodies have simply referred in passing to a "plane crash" and refused to investigate.

A third way to have prevented the slaughter, which began immediately upon news of the presidents' assassinations, might have been to send in U.N. peacekeepers (not the same thing as Hellfire missiles, be it noted), but that was not what Washington wanted, and the U.S. government worked against it. What the Clinton administration was after was putting Kagame in power. Thus the resistance to calling the slaughter a "genocide" (and sending in the U.N.) until blaming that crime on the Hutu-dominated government became seen as useful. The evidence assembled by Philpot suggests that the "genocide" was not so much planned as erupted following the shooting down of the plane, was politically motivated rather than simply ethnic, and was not nearly as one-sided as generally assumed.

Moreover, the killing of civilians in Rwanda has continued ever since, although the killing has been much more heavy in neighboring Congo, where Kagame's government took the war — with U.S. aid and weapons and troops — and bombed refugee camps killing some million people. The excuse for going into the Congo has been the hunt for Rwandan war criminals. The real motivation has been Western control and profits. War in the Congo has continued to this day, leaving some 6 million dead — the worst killing since the 70 million of WWII. And yet nobody ever says "We must prevent another Congo!"

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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.

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Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>

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Sunday, 10 January 2016

Rwanda is sliding into a new tragedy. And this time we're funding it

Rwanda is sliding into a new tragedy. And this time we’re funding it

British taxes support a regime that even allies admit uses murder to crush political challenge

Michela Wrong

9 January 2016

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Never lighthearted, my African political exile friend sounded particularly lugubrious on the line from Washington. His voice was low and pensive. For the past few months, he said, he’d been hearing of plans hatched by the regime back home for his assassination. ‘They are very gruesome, very gruesome indeed.’

It was not the first time. In the past he’d always passed the details on to the FBI, which had also called him up several times when they thought he was in danger. This time he hadn’t bothered. ‘I always ask them: ‘What are you doing to protect me?’ and they say, ‘Well, if you see anything suspicious, call 911.’ I’ve come to the conclusion that the people here, or the people in your place, honestly don’t care about our lives.’

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I’ve had similar conversations with rather too many of his haunted fellow nationals, dissidents convinced that fleeing the country of their birth has done little to guarantee protection from an African government they dared to challenge. What’s chilling is that the nation concerned is not some oil or diamond giant whose wealth allows it to arrogantly defy international opprobrium, some drug-trafficking republic run by a crazed general. This is no failed state, torn apart by warring militias.

No, it’s orderly little Rwanda, the ultimate ‘donor darling’, and a government that relies on western aid for nearly 40 per cent of its operating budget, much of it provided by the United States and United Kingdom. Its president, Paul Kagame, hobnobs with the likes of Bill Gates, Bill Clinton and the Blairs — Tony advises him on governance and Cherie recently defended his spy chief on war crimes charges in a British court. Kagame so impressed the organisers in Davos that Kigali is due to host the African edition of the World Economic Forum in May.

You might think the intimacy of that relationship would grant western officials some leverage on behalf of the likes of Theo-gene Rudasingwa, founding member of the Rwanda National Congress (RNC) party, who shared his concerns over the phone. Or that Kagame’s regime might think twice before embarrassing its western sponsors. You’d be wrong.

As the man who has run the country since a genocide perpetrated by the late Juvénal Habyarimana’s forces shows signs of becoming permanently entrenched, suppressing all criticism and contemptuous of international opinion, the response by British and US policymakers goes little further than putting their fingers in their ears and singing ‘la la la’.

Any student of the Great Lakes will already be familiar with the claims and counterclaims that have swirled around the region since the 1994 genocide. Well-informed analysts reject the neat theory of the ‘double genocide’, whereby killings of nearly a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus by Habyarimana’s soldiers and militiamen were somehow morally counterbalanced by the massacres of Hutus committed by Kagame’s advancing Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) rebel movement. But anyone who reads Jason Stearns’s Dancing in the Glory of Monsters can be in little doubt there is copious blood on RPF hands, shed in both Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. This is a complex story, without easily identifiable goodies and baddies.

So Kagame has always been accused of ruthlessness, but the violence was excused in Washington and London on the grounds that Rwanda sat in a tough neighbourhood. A regime that had ended a genocide could not be expected to respect the Marquess of Queensbury rules, the thinking went. But what the international community, mired in guilt for failing to stop the 1994 massacres, fails to register is that the human rights charges now being lodged against Kigali can’t be viewed through the traditional lens of scarred Tutsi survivors hitting out at unrepentant Hutu genocidaires. Like most of Kagame’s most vocal critics today, Theogene Rudasingwa is a Tutsi. He was once Kagame’s chief of staff and Rwanda’s ambassador to the US.

Kayumba Nyamwasa, who was shot in the stomach in a South African shopping mall in 2010 and lives under armed guard in that country, was the Rwandan army’s chief of staff before setting up the RNC. He also is a Tutsi. So was co-founder Patrick Karegeya, former Rwandan intelligence chief, strangled last year in a South African hotel. These men were not saints, but it’s difficult to portray them as genocidaires either, although the regime in Kigali does its best. No, this is a case of the revolution devouring itself, as possible political rivals and successors from within the RPF’s cosy Tutsi elite are systematically eliminated.

Shockingly, national borders count for nothing in Kagame’s campaign of removal and intimidation, a recklessness that can only be premised on the all-too-accurate assumption that western donors whose territorial sovereignty is violated in this way may fulminate in public but never take substantive action.

Not only have US authorities felt impelled to inform Rwandan dissidents on American soil that they are in danger — a congressman recently revealed that they issued a formal warning to Major Robert Higiro, a former Rwandan army officer who exposed Kigali’s assassination plans and was living in Belgium, telling him his life would be in danger if he stayed there.

The British have taken similar action in the past, too. In May 2011, the Metropolitan Police formally warned two Rwandan dissidents living in London that they faced an ‘imminent threat’ of assassination and turned back their suspected attacker, who had taken the coach from Belgium to Folkestone.

Logged by Human Rights Watch, the series of killings, disappearances, kidnappings and jailings appears to have escalated as Kagame’s personal ambition has hardened. Last month, in a referendum whose outcome bore more than a whiff of Ceausescu’s Romania, 98 per cent of Rwandans voted for a constitutional change allowing Kagame to run for a third, fourth and fifth term. In his new year’s address, to no one’s surprise, he confirmed that he would stand. That means he could still be in power in 2034.

The US has made clear its disapproval, with Samantha Power, ambassador to the United Nations, surprisingly forthright on the topic. However, it’s hard to imagine Washington, which puts great weight on Rwanda’s readiness to deploy troops as peacekeepers in African hot spots, putting its aid money where its mouth is.

And what about Britain, due to provide Kigali with at least £75 million in aid in 2015/16? Under Clare Short and Andrew Mitchell, the Department for International Development was an ideologically driven ministry, ready to robustly defend funding to the likes of Rwanda. Today’s ring-fenced budget, legally enshrined at a time when so much public spending faces the axe, should in theory boost institutional confidence. Instead, the department under Justine Greening, who never asked for the job, appears to lack both backbone and moral conviction.

These days it’s virtually impossible for journalists to meet anyone in authority at Dfid, including Greening. Colleagues’ experiences tally with mine. When I asked the press office whether Dfid felt any qualms about funding an African government that was conducting targeted assassinations on its allies’ territory, it sidestepped the question, stressing that no aid goes directly into Rwanda’s Treasury, as though that dealt with the issue. ‘The UK government will continue to make decisions concerning aid to Rwanda based on the government’s commitment to poverty reduction, anti-corruption, transparency, human rights and domestic accountability,’ ran the bland Dfid statement I eventually received after a fortnight of chasing. ‘As part of our bilateral partnership, we regularly raise concerns about civil and political rights in Rwanda and continue to press for reforms in these areas.’

The questions Dfid ducks so determinedly have never been more pertinent. In recent years, the quiet belief has taken hold in aid circles that benign dictators are better at delivering clean water, paved roads and primary education to ‘the poorest of the poor’ — always that justifying mantra — than messy, unstable democracies. Kagame, who used to share the crown with the late Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, now epitomises this development model, a form of idealism that allows for some alarmingly cynical policies.

At the very least, the taxpaying British public should be allowed to debate whether its taxes should be going to prop up a regime that even its closest allies acknowledge routinely uses murder to crush political challenge. A thick grey wall of bureaucratic obfuscation currently ensures it never gets that chance.

Michela Wrong has reported from across Africa. Her books include In the Footsteps of Mr Kurtz, It’s Our Turn to Eatand, most recently, Borderlines, a thriller.

http://www.spectator.co.uk/2016/01/rwanda-is-sliding-into-a-new-tragedy-and-this-time-were-funding-it/

[haguruka.com] Fw: DHR Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yishwe urw'agashinyaguro na Fred IBINGIRA

On Sunday, 10 January 2016, 14:18, "Mpere Theodore tmpere@hotmail.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> wrote:

Umurambo wa Nyakubahwa Mgr Phocas Nikwigize, umushumba ushagawe, wakundaga intama ze zose, ntawe arobanuye, n' ubwo uwo murambo bawangirije, ntibangirije Roho ye bibaho.

Iyo minsi irenga 30, cg se igera kuri 40 nkiyo Yezu yababaye, irerekana ukuntu bene muntu turi inyamaswa, kandi ko ibibi byose dukora ku isi, byanze bikunze bizatugaruka, ndetse bigakurikira n'abo tuzabyara.

Kwirata wivuga imyato ngo wishe Bioshop, uzirikana neza ko nta kibi yakoze, azira gusa isura rye n'ineza ye, biteye agahinda n'uburerer bucye ku bantu biyita ngo ni imfura.

Ubwo bupfura se buri he? Uko nikwo kwambikwa imidende kwa Ibingira, amaze gucyana uruti?

Aribeshya cyane, kandi ntibizatinda kwigaragaza.Sindagura, simpanura, ariko ararye ari menge, kuko bitazamuhira na busa.

Kujugunya umurambo wa Musenyeri muri Lac Vert ngo amaraso ye atazakongera urwanda rushya, ahubwo nibwo buryo bwerekana ko ruzarushaho gushya, kuko ugira neza ukayisanga imbere, wakora ishyano, rikagukurikira.

Nta kibi cyose kizakorerwa ku isi kitazamenyekana, kandi n'inkozi z'ibibi zose, zirarye ziri menge, kuko Imana ihôra ihoze.

Aho kwicuza ibyaha byakozwe, ahubwo abantu bigamba ibibi ndengakamere, ngo nibwo bugabo.

Sinarenganya Ibingira, kuko nibwo burere yahawe, niyo mashuli yize.

None se hari umuntu utanga ibyo atagira?

Izo mpamyabumenyi ze zo kuvutsa ubuzima abana b'Urwanda, Imana izabimubabalire, kuko atazi ibyo avuga, akora.

Ajye yirira brochettes gusa,yinywere ikiyeli, ahasigaye asingize Patron we Kagame wamugize icyo ari acyo, ariko yibuka ko ntawe urama nk'umusozi.

Burya ngo iminsi ikona ingwe.

Théodore

De : Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> de la part de Shankuru Maurice m_shankuru3000@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights] <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Envoyé : samedi 9 janvier 2016 23:10
À : FOUCHER Pierre
Objet : *DHR* Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yishwe urw'agashinyaguro na Fred IBINGIRA

Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yishwe urw'agashinyaguro na Fred IBINGIRA

« Iriya nterahamwe mwita Bishop Phocas Nikwigize, twamukaniye urumukwiye hanyuma amayiti ye tuyajugunya muri Lac Vert ».

Ayo magambo ateye agahinda yavuzwe na jenerali Fred Ibingira. Yari yagiye muri paruwasi ya Cyeza (diyosezi ya Kabgayi) gusura padiri Eliyasi Kiwanuka ukomoka i Bugande. Uwahoze ari Fratiri Gérard Rubayiza na we yari ahari, mu biruhuko. Ni uko rero mu gihe baganiraga bafata ka borosheti basoma n'akayoga, Afande Ibingira yavuze byinshi ku ntambara zinyuranye yarwanye kuva mu buto bwe, ashaka kwerekana ukuntu ari intwari cyane, ko kandi yagize uruhare rukomeye mu gutuma FPR igera ku ntsinzi no kuba igihagaze neza mu kibuga kugera na n'ubu ! Abamwumvaga baje gutega amatwi ku buryo budasanzwe atangiye kubabwira uko "Bishop wa Ruhengeri yishwe urw'agashinyaguro". Amajwi y'icyo kiganiro yashoboye gufatwa kuri kaseti (cassette-audio), iyo na yo iriho kandi ishyinguye neza.

I. Dore uko byagenze:

Mu w'1994, Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yahungiye kuri Goma hamwe n'abakristu n'abapadiri hafi ya bose ba diyosezi ya Ruhengeri.Yari acumbitse mu nzu ya Musenyeri NGABU (Evêché) wayoboraga Diyosezi ya Goma ariko agakomeza kwita ku bakristu be bari mu nkambi. Yafashe icyemezo cyo gutahukana n'izindi mpunzi ubwo FPR yari itangiye gahunda yo gusenya inkambi z'impunzi z'Abahutu muri Kongo, ku ngufu za gisirikari. Musenyeri Phocas yavuye i Goma mu modoka ye ya Mercedes, yari itwawe n'umupadiri w'umutaliyani witwa Lucchetta. Yari yabanje kwizezwa ko umutekano we urinzwe kuko bamuhaye umusirikari w'umwofisiye uzwi cyane muri kariya karere ku izina rya JEF ngo abe ari we umuherekeza,hatagira abamuhohotera mu nzira, ntibakamenye ahubwo ko iyo kabutindi JEF ari we wari ugenewe kumuterera mu maboko ya rubamba!Bageze kuri Gasutamo (Goma-Gisenyi), nibwo abasirikari ba FPR bahubuje uwo mupadiri w'umutaliyani mu modoka, barayitwara, na Musenyeri Phocas baramugumana . Hari ku italiki ya 26.11.1996.Yanyerejwe ubwo, ntawongeye kumuca iryera. JEF ubu ni umusirikari ukorera mu karere ka Masisi.

Nk'uko Fred Ibingira yakomeje abivuga, muri uwo mugoroba wari wabaye nk'uwo kwishimira intsinzi aho kuri paruwasi ya Cyeza,Musenyeri Phocas amaze gufatwa bamujyanye ahantu habugenewe, hazigamirwa abahoze ari ibihangange bo ku ngoma z'Abahutu. Ni uko ngo "abana" (Kadogo) bakajya "bamugemurira" mu gitondo, saa sita na nijoro. Abo bana ni bo bamucuje imyambaro ye, bamuterera ku ngoyi aboheye amaboko inyuma, bamukiniraho uko bashoboye; bakamugaburira amakofi, inshyi n'imigeri. Inyota n'inzara byamwica, bakamuhatira gushakishiriza mu kadobo karimo umwanda we! Baje kujya bamukeba ibice bimwe by'umubiri kugirango ababare, yishyure ibyo interahamwe zakoze guhera muri 1959! Baje kumukuramo amaso yombi, amara iminsi agongera, nyuma baza kumukeba ubugabo, ahita ahwera. Yababajwe iminsi irenga 30 mbere yo kunogoka. Bamuhambiriye mu kintu kimeze nk'umufuka bongeramo n'amabuye aremereye. Bamutereye mu modoka ya gisirikari bajya kumuta mu Kiyaga cya Lac Vert kiri i Goma ngo kugirango amaraso ye atazatera umwaku Urwanda rushya! Umwe mu bari bateze amatwi jenerali Ibingira yamubajije icyo bahoye Musenyeri Phocas, arasubiza ngo:"sinzi ibyo uwo mujinga yirirwaga avuga iyo mu nkambi, akanabyandika…".

Envoyé par : Mpere Theodore <tmpere@hotmail.com>

__._,_.___

Posted by: Alfred Nganzo <alfrednganzo@yahoo.com>

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“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

Rwanda History

Pages

Monday, 11 January 2016

Re: [haguruka.com] Fw: DHR Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yishwe urw'agashinyaguro na Fred IBINGIRA

Hundreds of Congolese troops withdraw from Central African force

Comment:

This is really a good decision by UN. No room for rape, sexual acts ( with or without consent), sexual abuses of children among UN peacekeepers. This should be zero tolerance.

---------------

Hundreds of Congolese troops withdraw from Central African force

[haguruka.com] As Rwanda’s totalitarian regime is revealed, sponsors reconsider support.

As Rwanda's totalitarian regime is revealed, sponsors reconsider support

[haguruka.com] Lies About Rwanda Mean More Wars If Not Corrected.

Sunday, 10 January 2016

Rwanda is sliding into a new tragedy. And this time we're funding it

Rwanda is sliding into a new tragedy. And this time we’re funding it

British taxes support a regime that even allies admit uses murder to crush political challenge

[haguruka.com] Fw: DHR Musenyeri Phocas Nikwigize yishwe urw'agashinyaguro na Fred IBINGIRA

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