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Sunday, 5 June 2016

[haguruka.com] Re: *DHR* Rwanda:abafite amagorofa y'ubucuruzi muri Kigali bararira ayo kwalika

 

Ubucuruzi bw'akajagari aribyo bita 'informal economy nabwo" ni ngombwa mu gihugu. Abantu bose ntabwo bafite ubushobozi bwo kuriha amafranga y'ubukode bw'aho gukorera.
Gucuruza si ngombwa kubikorera mu igorofa. Ushobora no kubikorera iwawe bityo bikakugabanyiriza amafaranga ushora mu gukodesha. Niba ufite business ikoresha Internet ntabwo ukenera amagorofa arimo ibiro n'abakozi. Ahubwo njye mbona abo bacuruzi binubira ko amazu yabo adakodeshwa aribo batumva  aho iterambere mu bucuruzi igeze ko kandi  ntibamenye ko n'ubwo bucuruzi bw'akajagari bufiteye runini ababukora ndetse na Leta. Ntabwo Leta na Bank bagufasha gushyiraho umushinga w'ubucuruzi ngo banagufashe kuwubyaza umusaruro bagushakira aba clients.
Niba ufite hotel ifite ibyumva 100, ukobana aba clients babiri gusa mu cyumweru kandi uhemba abakozi bahakora, birumvikana , uzahomba,ko watekereza kuyifunga, guhindura umwuga hakiri kare.

Ayo mahoteli ya 5 * nayo azahomba kuko agomba gutegereza umukiliya uzaza mu nama izimara iminsi mike, akitahira. Nyuma yaho hakabura uziraramo. Hotel ziciriritse nizo zibona aba clients cyane abo mu karere.

Cyakora iyo mu Rwanda ibyo bikorwa  nk'ibyo bishigikiwe na Leta iyo bihombye, Leta irabihisha ishoramo andi mafaranga.


On Sunday, 5 June 2016, 17:08, "Aimable Rwamucyo aimable_r@hotmail.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> wrote:


 
Ubusanzwe umushoramari yiyemeza umushinga yamaze kwiga isoko. Bariya rero barizira nyine kandi buriya nibahomba abazayagura bo azabahira kuko bazayagura ubusa kandi bayahindure bakurikije umukiliya uyifuza. Ariko ntimuzi urwigane rwakunze kuranga abanyarwanda ko hari igihe rwica isoko.
AR



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-------- Original message --------
From: "agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr>
Date: 06-04-2016 10:17 PM (GMT+01:00)
To: Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr
Subject: *DHR* Rwanda:abafite amagorofa y'ubucuruzi muri Kigali bararira ayo kwalika

 
Aliko se aba bene amagorofa bategereje amakiririro ku "bazunguzayi" koko, ko mbona bavuga ngo babura abakodesha amazu yabo kubera abacuruza mu kajagari? Ikindi rero ntabwo ubucuruzib bwose bushoboka muri étage, benshi baba bashaka gucururiza ahitaruye ibicuruzwa bigaragara neza.

Ahandi rero ngo leta nibashakire abakiliya! Amaherezo na banki yabahaye inguzanyo izayisubiza ibure icyo iyamaza.


ubukungu.rw

Inyubako z'amagorofa zuzuye mu mujyi wa Kigali zikomeje guhura n'ikibazo cy'ubwitabire bukiri hasi bw'abayakoreramo. Benshi mu bacuruzi ndetse n'abashoye imari mu bwubatsi bw'ayo magorofa bemeza ko Abanyarwanda batarahindura imyumvire ku gukorera mu nyubako ndende. Ibi ngo bituma abashoye imari muri ubu bwubatsi bagwa mu bihombo ndetse no kwishyura inguzanyo za banki bikabagora.

Abashoramari bakomeye muri Kigali batangarije ikigo cy'igihugu cy'itangazmakuru ko babangamiwe n'ubwitabire buke bw'abakiriya bataragira imyumvire yo gukorera mu nyubako ndende. 

Oliver Mazimpaka, umuyobozi wa CHIC ltd, yagize ati: "Ubu tumaze amezi 2 n'igice, abakiliya baraza n'ubwo bataza ku rwego tubyifuzaho ariko muri rusange baraza. Abantu bamaze gusinya contaro zo kwinjira mu mazu no gutangira gutunganya aho bakorera bari hagati ya 36 na 40%.

Makuza, umushoramari ukomeye muri Kigali akaba anafite inyubako ndende mu mujyi wa Kigali yitwa M Peace Plazza, nawe ahamya ko ubwitabire bwo gukorera mu mazu maremare bukiri hasi cyane. Ati: "Ubwitabire burimo kugenda buza buhoro buhoro n'ubwo bukiri hasi mu buryo twabyifuza ariko burimo buragenda buza buhoro buhoro."

Aba bashoramari bemeza ko impamvu inyubako zabo zititabirwa nk'uko babyifuza ari uko bamwe mu banyarwanda bataragira imyumvire yo gucururiza mu magorofa kandi ngo hakaba hakiri n'umubare w'abantu bagikorera mu kajagari.

Abashoramari bahanze amaso Leta

Aba bashoramari bavuga ko bizeye ko uko Leta y'u Rwanda ikomeza kureshya abashoramari ngo baze gushora imari mu gihugu bishobora kubafasha kubona abakiriya maze bakirinda kugwa mu gihombo.

Ubuyobozi bw'umujyi wa Kigali nabwo bwizeza aba bashoramari ko abacuruzi bakorera mu nyubako zabo ndende bazagenda baboneka buhoro buhoro kuko kugeza ubu hafi 70% by'abacuruzi bo mu mujyi wa Kigali bakorera mu kajagari.

Augustin Rwomushana, umuyobozi ushinzwe iterambere ry'ubukungu mu mujyi wa Kigali, yagize ati: "Ubu ngubu rero nk'umujyi wa Kigali turabakangurira kwitabira izi nyubako nziza. Ni uburyo bubafasha gucuruza neza ndetse bacururiza ahantu hafite isuku…..Nta mpungenge dufite rwose ko izi nyubako zabura abantu bazijyamo.

Abakurikiranira ibintu hafi bavuga ko Leta ikangurira abashoramari gushora imari mu mazu maremare ndetse no mu mahoteli ariko nyuma byamara kuzura bamwe bakagwa mu bihombo no kwishyura inguzanyo za banki bikagorana, ibintu bituma bamwe muri bo n'ubundi bongera kwitabaza Leta ngo ibafashe mu kubashakira abakiliya bajya muri ayo mazu.

Si mu mujyi Rwagati inyubako ndende zabuze abakiriya kuko hirya no hino mu mujyi wa Kigali abafite amagorofa bose bararira ayo kwarika, aho bavuga ko babuze abakiriya. Mu duce twa Kimironko, Gisozi, Kicukiro n'ahandi hayuranye muri Kigali hari amagorofa afunze, cyane cyane ibice byo hejuru, kubera kubura abakiriya.


Envoyé par : Aimable Rwamucyo <aimable_r@hotmail.com>
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[haguruka.com] What Remains Hidden in Rwanda: The Role of Tutsi Civilians in Killing Hutus

 





Judi Rever - foreignpolicyjournal.com


The international community has ensured legal immunity for Rwandan President Paul Kagame despite evidence of the RPF's responsibility for war crimes.

The 1994 Rwandan genocide has often been described as the fastest killing spree of the twentieth century, taking up to a million victims in a mere 100 days. One of the key drivers of the murders was fear: fear of an actual army in jackboots and fatigues encroaching by the day, but also fear of their allies on the ground, the so-called fifth column. In the first case, the fear was obviously justified: a Tutsi rebel army had invaded four years earlier and seemed poised to overthrow the Hutu-dominated government. Now newly uncovered evidence suggests another motivator – fear of Tutsi civilians – was also justified.

Several confidential documents from the UN's International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) provide chilling evidence that Tutsi civilians worked hand-in-hand with Paul Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) to commit crimes against Hutus in 1994. The evidence from these documents is bolstered by lengthy interviews with individuals who witnessed these operations.

The ICTR documents refer to RPF's abakada or civilian cadres and the 'loyal population' assisting the RPF in committing massive human rights abuses across the country. Abakada were Tutsi technocrats recruited before, during and after the genocide. They became the interface between the RPF on the one hand, and UN agencies, NGOs, human rights investigators and journalists on the other. The cadres played a crucial role in Rwanda's statecraft and propaganda system after the genocide.

The crimes cited in UN documents included identifying prominent Hutus that would later be executed, locating and putting Hutus in dungeons, delivering Hutus over to RPF intelligence agents and digging mass graves to bury victims. The ICTR documents—which contain identifying information and cannot be made public—consist of testimony from former RPF members who broke with the regime.

Rwandans Betraying Each Other

"Several confidential documents from the UN's International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) provide chilling evidence that Tutsi civilians worked hand-in-hand with Paul Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) to commit crimes against Hutus in 1994."

The full horror of what happened in Rwanda in 1994 remains largely unknown in the West, although a significant amount of history has been well documented and verified. What we officially know is that Hutu hardliners and a portion of the civilian population exterminated Tutsis in locally organized massacres, as national broadcasts of Hutu RTLM radio demonized Tutsis and provided a degree of approbation the killers actively sought. Human rights groups, journalists and academics have estimated that at least 600,000 Tutsis were killed from April to July 1994. What shocked the world the most was the 'popular element' of the genocide—that Hutu peasants dared to kill their Tutsi neighbors and in some cases, members of their own families that were Tutsis. In his book The Order of Genocide, Scott Straus explores the profile of the genocide perpetrator. After conducting extensive research in Rwandan prisons, Straus posits that most of the murders of Tutsis were carried out by a small group of 'extremely zealous killers, paramilitaries and soldiers.' About a quarter of the murders were committed by ordinary Hutus, he says, estimating that seven to eight percent of the Hutu adult population, or 14 to 17 percent of adult Hutu males, actively killed Tutsis or Hutus opposed to the violence.

Yet there are eerie parallels between how the violence played out in Hutu government-controlled and in Tutsi RPF-controlled zones, and how Rwandans from both ethnic groups seemed ready to betray one another as soon as their president, Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, was assassinated on April 6.  Ultimately, with its top-down command structure and superior political organization, the RPF was better able to conceal its crimes and control the narrative.

Denouncing and Delivering Hutus in RPF-Controlled Zones

A civilian from Byumba in northern Rwanda who joined the RPF during the genocide gave detailed testimony on the role of civilian cadres to ICTR investigators. The prefecture of Byumba was largely controlled by the RPF at the outset of the genocide.

"As of April 8, 1994, there no were no (Hutu) ex-government soldiers in the region of Ngarama, prefecture of Byumba. RPF soldiers and cadres were monitoring the region. They began to enlist all young people into their ranks. At that time, murders and disappearances started. They began to target intellectuals and politicians that belonged to the former regime, and former mayors, town councillors, teachers and business people."

The witness provided a partial list of victims killed, people he knew personally, including a Hutu agronomist who worked for the NGO Care International. He said the victims had initially run away from RPF forces but were lured back and promised they would be safe and could remain in their jobs. "In the end they were killed, just as they feared," the witness said. The bodies were dumped in a mass grave near the Mugera market, he said, pointing out that countless peasants were also murdered in other locations throughout the commune.

Excerpt of the testimony of a former RPF soldier to the ICTR
In July 1994, units in every RPF battalion were operating dungeons and counted on the 'loyal population' to imprison Hutus they considered 'Interahamwe''—a Hutu militia that had killed Tutsis during the genocide. The witness said the 'loyal population' consisted of Tutsi genocide survivors and Tutsi refugees who had grown up in Uganda and were repatriated to Rwanda.  "Former soldiers were arrested and executed in these dungeons, as were Hutu intellectuals, former regime members and all people considered obstacles, known as bipingamizi."

"Civilians cadres were the ones who identified individuals to be delivered to soldiers. They did so according to their own interests. All soldiers had to do was kill."

A second document compiled by ICTR investigators reveals the phenomenon of the 'loyal population' singling out suspects to be placed in dungeons. The investigators said that when the International Red Cross and NGOs became aware of the existence of the dungeons, the RPF moved the prisoners to other locations where they were executed.

A third ICTR document featuring testimony gathered in 2002 from a civilian cadre said many of his colleagues in Byumba were denouncing and delivering Hutus over to the RPF's notorious DMI, the Directorate of Military Intelligence, as a matter of procedure. "There were disappearances in the refugee camps.  People disappeared after being denounced by certain cadres. The cadres worked with their informants and reported back to DMI."
A fourth ICTR document revealed similar testimony of DMI agents working with cadres in refugee camps to interrogate people suspected of being 'extremists.' The people who were interrogated, for the most part, 'disappeared.'

A fifth ICTR document, dated 2005 and 54 pages long, describes in detail the killing operations carried out by Kagame's forces in Giti, a commune where no genocide against Tutsis had been committed.  The testimony from a senior DMI official stationed in Giti is downright grisly. He describes DMI mobile units arriving in Giti and neighboring Rutare in April, rounding up Hutu civilians and shooting them dead or hacking them with hoes. He said Tutsi volunteers were recruited into the RPF at a fast pace in these areas and helped dig mass graves. Many of the Tutsi civilians were called the Tiger Force. The Tiger Force would later plant banana groves over the graves in order to camouflage the sites, he explained.

The former RPF official said a network of 'civil intelligence services' was created upon the request of Kagame and Kayumba Nyamwasa, then head of DMI. This network was to work closely with DMI to gather intelligence within the civilian population.

Giti became a clearinghouse for murder, according to the DMI agent. Many Hutus were brought there from other areas and the RPF eventually ran out of room to bury the men, women and children they killed. The Hutus were ultimately transported by trucks to Gabiro, the RPF's training wing at the edge of Akagera Park, where they were executed and burned.

The witness said he believed that Giti was simply one of many areas in Rwanda where the RPF committed systematic massacres of Hutus. When pressed by investigators, he admitted that Giti was a 'tree that hid a wider forest.'

Other Testimony

A former resident of Giti interviewed by this journalist said his father, a prominent Hutu in the community, was seized and killed within a few days after the RPF established a base there in April 1994.  To his horror he found his father's body with several hundred other Hutus killed at Giti's primary school. "The school courtyard was completely littered with corpses. And the classrooms inside were full. It was terrifying." The witness, who is of mixed ethnicity with distinctive Tutsi features, said he was saved from being executed because of his mother was Tutsi and her relatives had ties to the RPF. He said he was appalled at how Tutsi neighbors he had known and trusted—people who had never been hurt by Hutus—identified and located Hutus in the village for the RPF to kill. They started with community leaders and moved onto peasants, he noted.

"A UN court set up to prosecute perpetrators of genocide and serious violations of international law has protected Kagame and his senior commanders: not one indictment against the RPF has ever been issued. In contrast, 95 individuals linked to the former Hutu regime were indicted and 61 were convicted."

Another former RPF intelligence official that broke with the regime said he remembers Tutsi civilian cadres actively killing in Giti and Rutare. "A cadre named Martin grabbed a machete and took a Hutu aside, and cut his head off." In many cases, soldiers and civilians watched as entire families were butchered, he said.

The former official alleges that civilian cadres came under the authority of the RPF's political wing, known as the secretariat. The cadres' role in eliminating Hutus was conceived by members of the RPF secretariat and the high command council, he insisted. There were an estimated 4,000 abakada in Rwanda during the genocide, and by the end of 1994, the RPF had recruited massively and increased their numbers to 15,000.

A soldier now in exile said his Tutsi family hid grenades at their Kigali home before the genocide, and that the RPF had successfully 'infiltrated' the capital and other areas of Rwanda, with cadres and commandos by 1993.
A former abakada who worked in RPF-controlled zones between April and July 1994 admitted there were three categories of cadres: those who provided social assistance and political indoctrination among the civilian population, a second category that assisted the war effort and facilitated crimes by denouncing and delivering Hutus over to death squads, and a third group of extremely zealous individuals who participated directly in the killings.

In an interview, the ex cadre said many civilian cadres were caught and killed in Hutu controlled zones before Kagame's forces seized territory.
But in northern and eastern prefectures that came under RPF control quickly, cadres were free to carry out their dirty work, several sources confirmed. In other areas such as Gitarama, Butare and Ruhengeri, new cadres were recruited quickly in June and July, as those prefectures were seized by Kagame's troops.

In the prefecture of Gisenyi, for example, vast areas were empty in mid July by the time the RPF took control; a significant number of Hutus had fled to Zaire by then. But some stayed put in their homes and eventually were slaughtered. A soldier with the RPF's Charlie battalion said civilian cadres operated with DMI units in Gisenyi and eliminated as many Hutus as possible. Further north in Ruhengeri, DMI units massacred Hutus in July and August at Camp Muhoza and buried the victims in mass graves nearby, according to testimony from a former DMI agent given to ICTR investigators.
A soldier initially stationed in Byumba and later transferred to Kanombe said civilian cadres conducted widespread pillaging of Hutu properties and worked closely with political commissars in battalions. The political commissars would call bogus meetings, luring civilians and promising them food or security, only to have them killed afterward, the soldier explained.

"In some cases, civilians were more extreme and zealous than the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) was. The rank and file RPA soldier was trained for battle. The political commissars and civilian cadres who chose to work with DMI had other intentions," he said.

The soldier said the role of abakada and even Tutsi survivors in crimes is well known but never spoken of inside or outside Rwanda. He alleged that a good number of Tutsis are vehemently opposed to Kagame but are afraid to talk about the past because they are not willing to implicate themselves. "Kagame holds this over their heads."

"And Hutus have been completely silenced on the issue." Hutus in Rwanda and abroad who dare accuse the RPF of crimes end up in jail, disappear or are charged with genocide, he noted.

And yet Hutus and Tutsis have given crucial testimony to the ICTR and the UN refugee agency (UNHCR) about these atrocities.
A Hutu refugee gave the UNHCR the names of a dozen Tutsis, comprised of abakada and neighbors that killed his teenage sister in April 1994 in the commune of Gituza. He described the Tutsis as a kind of militia, not unlike the Interahamwe. He said the Tutsis were armed with hoes and machetes when they brought his sister to their home while he hid in the garden behind the avocado trees, paralyzed by fear. He then listened in agony as they raped her, one by one, and set the bedroom on fire before leaving the premises. When he rushed in after they left, his sister was dead. The refugee fled to Tanzania, reported the crime but received no justice. The Tutsis responsible still hold prominent positions in the community, he said.

A UN court set up to prosecute perpetrators of genocide and serious violations of international law has protected Kagame and his senior commanders: not one indictment against the RPF has ever been issued. In contrast, 95 individuals linked to the former Hutu regime were indicted and 61 were convicted.

Kagame Given Criminal Reign

The international community has ensured legal immunity for Kagame and allowed his regime to commit crimes after the genocide, both in Rwanda and in neighboring Congo, where he invaded in 1996 and his troops were accused by UN experts of possibly committing genocide.

A senior Tutsi officer who fled in 2000 said the RPF recruited and eliminated thousands of young Hutu men in late 1994 and 1995, using civilian cadres in the campaign. The cadres worked with the gendarmerie, presidential guard units, the training wing and DMI agents to recruit and then execute these men, mostly in military camps but also in Akagera Park, he said. "It was done efficiently everywhere." By that time DMI operations were headed by Emmanuel Karenzi Karake.

Dozens of soldiers and officers interviewed insist that the RPF killed hundreds of thousands of Hutu civilians during and after 1994, in addition to Tutsi francophone recruits that were considered suspect by intelligence officers at the training wing.

Several people interviewed said the RPF civilian cadres continue to wield power in Rwanda but are now called the intore. Over the last two decades, thousands of people—both Hutu and Tutsi—have been trained in secret camps at Nasho and Ndego in the Akagera. The intore work at home and abroad, and are comprised of nurses, doctors, teachers, university staff, bankers, taxi drivers, among other professionals. Most are trained to spy on Rwandans in all walks of life but some intore are given specialized training to assassinate and commit other crimes, the sources said.

Nowhere in Rwanda is the state's presence felt more acutely than at the local level through a neighborhood surveillance system called Nyumbakumi. The Nyumbakumi uses agents from military, political and civilian spheres to exert control: DMI agents, RPF secretariat members and their civilian auxiliaries known as intore monitor every 10 households.


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-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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Saturday, 4 June 2016

[haguruka.com] Re: @Dear President Paul Kagame, let King Kigeli V return home.

 

Dear All,

Does anyone have more information about the following statement:

"...a friend told me that a court of law expunged from public record the Bizimungu presidency; so, it is illegal to call him as a former president", The Monitor, Uganda.

If the above statement is true, it would strngly confirm that Kagame has been a defacto Rwandan President since July 4th, 1994 and that his stepping down is long overdue. 

On Jun 4, 2016, at 1:12 PM, Jean Bosco Sibomana sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com [fondationbanyarwanda] <fondationbanyarwanda@yahoogroupes.fr> wrote:

 

{{{In 2000, The Rwanda Herald reported that King Kigeli V had been sighted in Kinshasa. The paper sold off the stands but government officials threatened us and warned against publishing falsehoods.}}} The Monitor, Uganda.


Et 16 ans plus tard en 2016, on annonce une scission des FDLR en RD Congo en même temps que ce retour du Roi! 2017 nous réserve certainement des surprises au Rwanda. Voici l'article de Mediapart sur la scission des FDLR au Congo:

Kivu/Rwanda: une scission au sein du mouvement FDLR

Un article de RFI nous informe de la scission des FDLR au Kivu (voir ici). 
Cet article se trouve confirmé, et précisé, par celui d'un journaliste indépendant, écrivant sous le pseudonyme de Apprenti Pasteur, dont les articles sur Facebook témoignent régulièrement d'une capacité d'information bien sourcée et fiable (sa page facebook).
Celui-ci affirme qu'un pays européen soutiendrait cette scission, et en corollaire la création d'un parti moins militaire et plus politique : le CNRD, Conseil National pour le Renouveau et la Démocratie.

Précision à l'usage des non-initiés : le FDLR est le mouvement né de la fuite des Interahamwe du Rwanda (la milice génocidaire du gouvernement) lorsque le pays fut libéré par le FPR dirigé par Paul Kagame.
C'est un mouvement basé sur des principes clairement ethnistes et revanchards, dont l'objectif (plus ou moins exprimé) depuis 21 ans est de reconquérir Kigali, et de terminer le travail (i.e. le génocide).
Ce nouveau parti, issu d'une scission désirée par une jeune génération en quête de reconnaissance et de légitimité, n'est sans doute pas moins ethniste et plongé dans la haine des tutsi. Mais il saura le cacher avec un sens de la diplomatie mieux adapté aux temps présent et à venir (où l'on se doit de mettre les formes, y compris sur le continent africain...).

La question qui ne manque de se poser, c'est : quel est le pays européen qu'Apprenti Pasteur déclare ne pas vouloir nommer ? Ma crainte, toute personnelle et ne se basant que sur un mauvais pressentiment (et le sens de l'histoire, malheureusement), c'est que ce soit la France. Entendons-nous : la France, quelle France ? Pas tout le peuple français. Mais quelques nostalgiques du gouvernement génocidaire, très largement aidé entre 1990 et 1994, au point que l'armée française sous couvert d'une mission onusienne s'est fait fort d'aider à la fuite des génocidaires au Kivu, en RDC, lorsqu'il fut avéré que le FPR allait remporter la victoire au printemps 1994 (fuite  qui se trouve être à l'origine du désastre militaire, social et humanitaire de cette région). Ces nostalgiques existent. Ils détestent Kagame, en partie parce que celui-ci est anglophone (toujours l'ombre de Fachoda, mais aussi en raison des intérêts mêlés, linguistique, politique et économique), en partie parce que son armée les a humiliés à plusieurs reprises, en partie parce qu'ils ne supportent pas qu'un africain leur tienne tête – et sans doute pour d'autres raisons plus ou moins avouables.
J'avance sans plus de précaution cette conviction, car par surcroît j'ai du mal à imaginer quel autre pays européen s'amuserait à venir en aide aux génocidaires rwandais… Pour les raisons énumérées ci-dessus, il semble que ce soit le seul à s'y intéresser au point de s'y compromettre.
(Au sujet de ce qu'il convient de nommer sans exagération une particularité française, il reste à se poser - une fois encore - la question de son impensé post-colonial… Sans même remonter jusqu'à l'antisémitisme anti-dreyfusard dont d'aucuns font l'origine des droites extrêmes européennes, il convient de s'interroger sur le refus de certains groupes de tourner la page de l'Empire colonial. En témoignent si besoin était les révélations par Anne Guérin-Castell de l'apologie des crimes de l'OAS dans son dernier article ).

Dans l'attente d'être confirmé dans ma crainte, ou bien – je l'espère par affection pour ma patrie – de la voir démentie, ce qui semble avéré, en tous les cas, et très dangereux pour la région en général et le Rwanda en particulier, c'est la naissance de ce parti, un peu à l'image du CNDD-FDD burundais, c'est-à-dire masquant derrière une façade toute rassurante une haine implacable, un désir de revanche et de sang…


Le samedi 4 juin 2016, Nsengiyumva Celestin <cnnsengi@yahoo.fr> a écrit :
Friends,
I think Mr Habineza is just trying to remain relevant. His petition cannot be taken seriously. Rwandans say that "nta bihanga bibili bitekwa mu nkono imwe". Rwanda has already an incumbent King. The other one is too old to be more than what he is now: a former king. Mr. Habineza is "not yet" big enough to get involved in high level mediation.
On the other hand, the former King and the reigning King are family relatives, and for Rwandans, the interests of the dynasty are safe. The only thing the aging King wishes for the younger monarch is a peaceful reign, for the benefit of Rwandans. This is yet to be achieved.

Does Habineza think that Old Kigeli Ndahindurwa will go home when even non entities such as the undersigned don't dear come anywhere near the sovereign borders of native Rwanda?


Le Samedi 4 juin 2016 9h07, "Jean Bosco Sibomana sibomanaxyz999@gmail.com [uRwanda_rwacu]" <uRwanda_rwacu@yahoogroups.com> a écrit :


 
Le govt américain a dit clairement souhaiter le départ de Kagame à la fin de son 3è mandat l'année prochaine en 2017. Pas étonnant que certains commencent à se positionner, même l'ancien Roi Kigeli V exilé aux USA!

Le samedi 4 juin 2016, agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights] <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> a écrit :
 
By Asuman Bisiika - monitor.co.ug

Dear President Paul Kagame, let King Kigeli V return home
Dear President Paul Kagame, let King Kigeli V return hom...
In 1997, Mr Charles Onyango-Obbo, then editor of The Monitor, secured an interview with Maj Gen Paul Kagame, then vice president and minister for de...
Aperçu par Yahoo



Netters,

Si on en croit la rumeur persistante, Ndahindurwa veut rentrer comme monarque dans un pays qui a changé de système de gouvernance, de monarchie à république voici 54 ans.

Va-t-on encore changer de constitution? Si oui, quand, puisque celle pour le président Kagame au pouvoir jusqu'en 2034 vient d'être révisée.

Et qu'en dit le roi Kigeli lui-même? Franck Habineza qui intercède pour lui en sait-il quelque chose, où il a trouvé un autre tuyau pour faire parler de lui comme ses interventions inefficaces contre le changement de constitution?

Bizzare!


--
SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
Google+: https://plus.google.com/110493390983174363421/posts
YouTube Channel: http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL9B4024D0AE764F3D
Fuseau horaire domestique: heure normale de la côte Est des Etats-Unis et Canada (GMT-05:00)




--
SIBOMANA Jean Bosco
Google+: https://plus.google.com/110493390983174363421/posts
YouTube Channel: http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL9B4024D0AE764F3D
Fuseau horaire domestique: heure normale de la côte Est des Etats-Unis et Canada (GMT-05:00)

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( OFFRES D’EMPLOIS ) Lebanon – Base Administrator – Halba

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Link to EMPLOI ONG

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Posted: 03 Jun 2016 12:31 PM PDT

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“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

KOMEZA USOME AMAKURU N'IBITEKEREZO BYA VUBA BYAGUCITSE:

RECOMMENCE

RECOMMENCE

1.Kumenya Amakuru n’amateka atabogamye ndetse n’Ibishobora Kukugiraho Ingaruka ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.

2.Kwisanzura mu Gutanga Ibitekerezo, Kurwanya Ubusumbane, Akarengane n’Ibindi Byose Bikubangamiye ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.