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Thursday, 28 May 2020

Fw: [ibukabose_rengerabose] Explanation of Position on the UN General Assembly Resolution on the Rwandan Genocide


U.S. Mission to the United Nations
New York, New York
April 23, 2020

Explanation of Position on the UN General Assembly Resolution on the Rwandan Genocide

Since the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda and the establishment in 2003 of the "International Day of Reflection on the Genocide in Rwanda," April 7 has become a solemn day to commemorate the more than 800,000 men, women, and children whose lives were lost during 100 days of unspeakable violence.  The United States joins consensus with the entire UN General Assembly to support the continuation of this "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" so that each year, we may continue to honor the victims and the survivors who carry the memories of these atrocities.

This annual day of reflection is a reminder of our common humanity and recommits us to protect the vulnerable, prevent mass atrocities, and respect the inherent dignity of every human being.

The United States remains committed to supporting the people of Rwanda in their efforts to preserve the evidence of the 1994 genocide.  Indeed, one of the strongest measures we can take to prevent mass atrocities from occurring again is to preserve the history of what has taken place and to properly capture the scope of the acts committed.

As such, the United States is concerned that changes made to the text – starting in 2018 and extended today – narrow the focus of the resolution to the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, and fail to fully capture the magnitude of the violence that was committed against other groups.  Many Hutu and others were also killed during the genocide, including those murdered for their opposition to the atrocities that were being committed.  Failing to honor and remember these victims presents an incomplete picture of this dark part of history.

Revising the language used to describe past genocides sets a dangerous precedent and risks leading to revisiting other days of reflection.  We support the resolution's overall aim to reflect on the genocide in Rwanda, but also must underscore that our understanding of the circumstances of the genocide in Rwanda has not changed. 

We urge our fellow member states to insist that histories of past genocides and other mass atrocities do not fade over time.  We owe it to each and every victim of these crimes to faithfully carry forward their memories as part of our vow of "never again." 

We are also concerned about the removal of the reference to the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals, which continues its important work to hold those responsible for genocide accountable..  The United States urges all states to cooperate with the IRMCT, including its search for eight Rwandans still wanted for their roles in the genocide.

The United States firmly believes that respect for all human rights, including freedom of expression, is critical in the prevention of genocide and other mass atrocities.  We reiterate that any efforts to counter incitement and hate speech should respect freedom of expression.

We must also express our disappointment in the negotiation process that led to this resolution.  The result is a weaker text that strips out references that would have benefited the Government of Rwanda in its efforts to seek accountability, while forcing Rwanda's allies, including the United States, to accept language we find concerning.  While we are not calling for a vote lest others get the wrong impression about our unwavering support for justice for victims of the genocide, we are concerned that the negotiation process potentially weakened the text, limited the impact, and added unexpected costs.. 

As we reflect on the Rwandan genocide this year and always, the United States joins with the people of Rwanda and the international community in solemn reflection to commemorate all of the victims killed in the genocide in Rwanda, and to recommit to doing everything in our power to prevent such atrocities from happening again.

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Fw: *DHR* Fw: Rwandan Genocide: The response of Rwanda to the explanations of position by the United States of America and the United Kingdom.


 

REPUBLIC OF RWANDA

 PERMANENT MISSION OF THE REPUBLIC OF RWANDA TO THE UNITED NATIONS NEW YORK

 RPM/873/24.04/C/2020 24 April 2020 

All Permanent Representatives and Permanent Observers to the United Nations New York 

Excellency, I have the honour to share the response of Rwanda to the explanations of position by the United States of America and the United Kingdom on the draft resolution entitled "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" (A/74/L.40).
 Please accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration. 

 H.E. Ambassador Valentine Rugwabiza 
 Permanent Representative of the Republic of Rwanda to the United Nations 

CC: H.E. Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande President of the United Nations General Assembly New York 

124 East 39th Street Tel: +1 212-679-9010 Email: ambanewyork@minaffet.gov.rw New York, NY 10016 Fax: +1 917-591-9279 

Rwanda's response to the explanations of position by USA and UK on the draft resolution entitled "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" (A/74/L.40) 

The adoption of resolution A/74/273 titled "International Day of Reflection on the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda" (resolution A/74/273), elicited substantive reservations from two member states, the United States and the United Kingdom, in letters dated 20 April 2020. The United States noted concerns on the "changes made to the text starting 2018 and extended today – the narrow focus of the resolution to the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." It was further "concerned that changes to the text – starting in 2018 and extended today – narrow the focus of the resolution to the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda and fail to fully capture the magnitude of the violence that was committed against other groups. Many Hutus and others were also killed during the genocide, including those murdered for their opposition to the atrocities that were being committed. Failing to honor and remember these victims presents an incomplete picture of this dark part of history." 

Similarly, the reservations of the United Kingdom read, "We disagree withs the framing of the genocide purely as 'the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi'. As noted in previous resolutions, we believe that Hutus and others who were killed should also be recognised."

 It is interesting to note that while both Explanation of Positions (EOPs) underscored the importance of historical facts and collective memory in averting the recurrence of genocide, they stated the exact opposite by distorting these very historical facts and by ignoring the UN Security Council resolutions and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) jurisprudence to which they are both bound. 

Let us recall that United Nations resolution 96 (I) dated 11 December 1946 recognized genocide as a crime under international law and defined genocide as "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; (e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group." 

The United Nations recognized that a crime consistent with this definition had taken place in Rwanda in 1994. Consequently, on 8 November 1994 the UNSC (resolution (955)) established the ICTR to prosecute persons responsible for the genocide between1 January 1994 and 31 December 1994. The ICTR began its work in 1995 and formally closed on 20 December 2012 124 East 39th Street Tel: +1 212-679-9010 Email: ambanewyork@minaffet.gov.rw New York, NY 10016 Fax: +1 917-591-9279 having indicted 93 genocide perpetrators; its remaining functions transferred over to the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals on 1 July 2012. On 16 June 2006, the Appeals Chamber of the ICTR in the trial of Prosecutor v. Karemera Ngirumpatse and Nzirorera (ICTR-98-44-AR73 (C)) affirmed that indeed a genocide against the Tutsi had taken place in Rwanda. It instructed that "all the current and pending trials before the Trial Chambers of the ICTR" must refer to the following as facts "beyond any dispute and not requiring any proof;" 
1) The existence of Twa, Tutsi and Hutu as protected groups falling under the Genocide Convention; 
2) The following state of affairs existed in Rwanda between 6 April 1994 to 17 July 1994: there were throughout Rwanda widespread or systematic attacks against a civilian population based on Tutsi ethnic identification. During the attacks, some Rwandan citizens killed or caused serious bodily or mental harm to person[s] perceived to be Tutsi. As a result of the attacks, there were a large number of deaths of persons of Tutsi ethnic identity; 
3) Between 6 April 1994 and 17 July 1994 there was genocide in Rwanda against Tutsi ethnic group. 
According to the ICTR Judicial Notice, the fact that the genocide in Rwanda was against the Tutsi is "beyond any dispute and [does] not require any proof."

 Therefore, the position of the United Kingdom to "disagree with the framing of the genocide purely as the '1994 genocide against the Tutsi'" is a rejection of ICTR Jurisprudence. Similarly, both delegations hold in their EOPs, that the "others" were also killed during the genocide, is not captured by genocide as a legal term. Rwanda would welcome specific reference to "other groups" – outside the group that was the target of extermination – that the United Nations has recognized in commemoration of "past genocides." Otherwise, it would constitute an unwelcome exception for Rwanda. We therefore welcome the call by the USA to "urge fellow member states to insist that histories of past genocides" get treated with consistency in the application of shared principles. 

The demands being made against Rwanda appear to create a mechanism of remembrance outside the principles of the United Nations. However, if the positions of the United States and United Kingdom suggest the renegotiation of the UN Genocide Convention in as far as a collective decision is taken to remember "others" outside of the targeted group for extermination, then indeed this call for the renegotiation of the convention and a suggestion that as it stands the Convention is inadequate and that it should be revised beyond the "narrow" confines of targeted groups.

 In light of the UN Genocide Convention, the expectation that Rwanda broadens its framing beyond the Tutsi as the targeted group for extermination, is to demand that Rwanda applies and violates the Convention at ounce. 124 East 39th Street Tel: +1 212-679-9010 Email: ambanewyork@minaffet.gov.rw New York, NY 10016 Fax: +1 917-591-9279 Similarly, like in the terminology that in fact the genocide was against the Tutsi, the distinction between free speech and hate speech was also settled as part of a judicial process: The Media Trial in The Prosecutor V. Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean Bosco Barayagwiza, Hassan Ngeze (Case No. ICTR-99-51-T), whose aim was to draw the line between free speech and hate speech. Once again, the ICTR jurisprudence has cleared any ambiguity between free speech and hate speech in the context of the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. It is worth recalling the role that the Radio-Television Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) played during the execution of the genocide by calling for acceleration of the killings and publications of names and physical addresses of Tutsi individuals and families yet to be exterminated. Despite the active role of the RTLM in the execution of the genocide, when a permanent member was requested to jam the radio's frequency, it refused to extend that assistance to the pursued targets citing free speech.

 In the pursuit of reconciliation, Rwanda has walked the tight rope of applying the Convention of commemorating the group that was targeted for extermination while being as inclusive as possible without compromising the very purpose of genocide commemoration. For instance, every annual commemoration of the genocide, Rwanda devotes 13th April to the remembrance of politicians and others who, although not being part of the targeted group, were killed for opposing the extermination of Tutsis.

 By bringing clarity on the targeted group for extermination, the just adopted Resolution A/74/273 and adoption of decision A/72/L.31 on 26 January 2018, are consistent with the Genocide Convention. Rather than advance reconciliation, the EOPs by the US and the UK bring ambiguity that feeds the resurgent genocide denialist movement that is already on the rise in the Great Lakes region and beyond. 

Rwanda supports the US call for member states to hold those responsible for genocide accountable and takes this opportunity to remind the United Kingdom to arrest and try genocide suspects on its territory who are yet to face justice for their role in the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, as one of the strong measures to prevent impunity and the recurrence of genocide. 

Finally, with regard to the negotiation process, Rwanda has neither the authority nor the desire to "force" any member into accepting a resolution language. The language in resolution A/74/273 is a result of consultations with all members in open ended format, and in small groups and bilateral format with members having expressed specific concerns.. However, as is always the case for any multilateral process, not every concern raised by individual members without enjoying a broad consensus can be accommodated. 



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Fw: [haguruka] RWANDA: AMAVU N’AMAVUKO Y’IJAMBO INTERAHAMWE



BANA TUGANIRE UYU MWANYA NI UWANYU IGICE CYA 9 : UYU MUNSI NDABASANGIZA AMAVU N'AMAVUKO Y'IJAMBO INTERAHAMWE

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Uyu munsi ndabasangiza Amavu n'amavuko y'ijambo (INTERA-HAMWE). Dukwiye kwimenya tukanamenyana ndetse tukamenya n'amateka yacu.. Bityo tukabasha kurwana no kurwanya abayandika uko bishakiye kubera inyungu zabo bwite cg za politique.

Ubu iyo uvuze INTERA-HAMWE umuhutu wese yiyumvamo kandi muburyo bubi kuko iri zina ryiza ryandujwe n'agatsiko k'abatutsi karyinjiriye kagakora ibara mu Rda.

Ibi byemezwa na bwana Tito Rutaremara, umucurabwenge wa FPR wemeje ko mbere ya 1994 FPR yari ifite abacengazi 5 cg barenga muri buri serire.

Abakiri bato baziko INTERA-HAMWE arizo zishe imbaga y'abanyarwanda ariko siko biri. Ariya magufa abana babona cg berekwa hirya no hino mu nzibutso  mubyukuri yahoze ari abantu bazima. Ibi bigerekwa ku Nterahamwe rero hari byinshi bihishe.

Abakuru bafashwe umunwa na Gereza cg ubushinjacyaha bushinja gupfobya no guhakana Génocide uwo ariwe wese uvuze ukuri kubyabaye bityo ikinyoma kiranurwa ukuri kuranyagirwa. Ariko bitinde bitebuke ukuri kuzanabamwaza.

Dore uko byagenze kugirango INTERA-HAMWE zivuke zibeho mu Rda. Mu 1991, Urwanda rwari rumaze umwaka 1 mu ntambara rwarwanaga na FPR inkotanyi yari ishyigikiwe n'igihugu cya Uganda ariko byose bifashwa n'ibihugu bya rutura byashakaga gufata Urwanda na Zaïre ubu yitwa Repubulika Iharanira Demokarasi ya Congo (RDC)

Ibi bihugu byahatiye leta y'Urwanda kujya mumashyaka menshi kuko kuri FPR n'ibyitso byayo byitwazaga ko kuba Urwanda rwarayoborwaga n'ishyaka rimwe rya MRND ryari Ishyano rikomeye. Juvenal Habyarimana wari umunyamahoro urwo rwitwazo arukuraho amashyaka menshi arayemera ni uko mu 1991 amashyaka menshi aravuka mu Rda.

Amashyaka yaje mubyukuri arwanya MRND bikomeye ndetse kurenza uko FPR yayirwanyaga.  Ntibyatinze mitingi cg kwiyamamaza kw'amashya bitangiye muburyo bwo gushakisha abarwanashyaka imvururu ziratangira, abayoboke ba MRND batangira kujya bahohoterwa, gukubitwa, gusenyerwa no kwicwa mubyo amashyaka yitaga kubabohoza.

Amashyaka MDR, PL, PSD yishyize hamwe, urubyiruko rwayo nirwo rwakoraga ibyo kurandura amabendera ya MRND aho amanitse bakazamura ayabo. Ibi bintu byateje umutekano mukeya cyane. Ikibi kiruta byose ni uko MRND yakoreshaga mitingi (meeting)  urwo rubyiruko rugaca imihanda rugatega imodoka rukazimenagura no gukubita abajyayo bose.

Ibi byarakozwe hose mugihugu ninabyo byatumye hatekerezwa uko na MRND yagira urwayo rubyiruko rwajya ruhangana nizo nyanga-birama maze kuko nabo bari bafite amazina MRND nayo urwayo irwita INTERA-HAMWE.

Mbibutse ko urubyiruko rwa MDR rwitwaga J.D.R Inkuba, urwa PSD rwitwaga Abakombozi,  urwa PL ntabwo rwo nibuka uko rwitwaga uwibuka anyibutse. Gahunda y'intera-hamwe yari iyo Guhangana n'abamanura amabendera ya MRND no kurwanya iryo bohozwa ryasenyeraga abayoboke babo no kurwana n'ababurizamo inama za MRND. Ng'uko uko bashatse Impuza-nkano y'ibitenge batozwa Kungufu cg Kalate.  INTERA-HAMWE zifatanyije n'IMPUZA-MUGAMBI za CDR ya Nyakwigendera Bucyana Martin wiciwe i BUTARE nizo nyangabirama za MDR, PL,PSD kumanywa y'ihangu ahitwa IMBAZI mukagambane ka Faustin Twagiramungu ntabwo zigeze zitozwa kwica abatutsi cga abataravugaga rumwe na MRND. Ibi rwose ndabisubiramo ntabwo kwica byari muri mission y'Interahamwe ndetse n'amatangazo yazo n'ubu aracyariho zarwanyaga ubwicanyi ndetse n'abakomando b'Inkotanyi za Tito Rutarimara zabavuzeho.

INTERA-HAMWE zarakoze kuko zari inyuma y'Inzira-bwoba mu rugamba rwose kugeza ubwo FPR ifashe igihugu. INTERA-HAMWE zaratinyitse cyane kuko zaterwaga amabuye n'amacumu zikayasama, gusa nazo zaje Gucengerwa na FPR kuko umuyobozi wazo kurwego rw'igihugu yari umututsi bityo yinjizamo n'inyenzi ibintu birivanga. Na Tito Rutarimara arabyemez ko Inkotanyi zari mu mashyaka yose ndetse ngo na bamwe (abacomando b'inkotanyi) bagendaga bakora bya bindi (ubwicanyi) Tito yemeza ko bari ababo bari babazi

Indege yari itwaye nyakwigendera Habyarimana Juvenal na mugenzi we Ntaryamira Cyprien president w'Uburundi imaze guhanurwa n'inkotanyi, amashyaka ya MDR, PL,PSD yagize ubwoba cyane, rwa rubyiruko rwayo  rwigaragaje nk'umwanzi rutekereza ko bizarukoraho maze bose bihindura INTERA-HAMWE mumyambaro yazo bivanga na bya byitso (abacomando ba FPR) Tito avuga maze birara mu batutsi b'inzira-karengane babizi kandi babishaka kugira ngo baharabike ubutegetsi bwa Habyarimana kandi iyo ntego 100% bayigezeho kuko hahise hahagarikwa ko Urwanda rwongera kugura Intwaro ni uko FPR yifatira ubutegetsi.

Sinjye wahera hahera FPR n'ibyitso byayo. INTERA-HAMWE n'IMPUZA-MUGAMBI ni amazina mu by'ukuri ajya gusa kuko yose ni ayahamagariraga abanyarwanda kudatatanyiriza imbaraga mubyatuma batakaza igihugu ninayo mpamvu FPR bose ibanga urunuka.

Abanyarwanda banze kumva iyo mpuruza rero biba uko byabaye ariko ngo umwana wanze kumvira se na nyina ngo yumvira iki bavandi ??

Niho turi none mushinyirize ababigizemo uruhari ntimukiganyire

Ndindabahizi Jean Michail



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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
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Fw: *DHR* ENEMIES OF PROGRESS: The People Wasting Our Taxes



 

ENEMIES OF PROGRESS: The People Wasting Our Taxes  THE CHRONICLES


altTHEY WERE IN CHARGE: Former Senate President Bernard Makuza; REB Director General Dr Ndayambaje Irenée; former RBC Director General Dr Conco Jeanine; Rwanda Polytechnic Vice Chancellor Dr James Gashumba; WASAC CEO Eng. Aimé Muzola; Gatsibo District Mayor Richard Gasana; Ngororero District Mayor NDAYAMBAJE Godefroid; Gisagara District Mayor Rutaburingoga Jerome; Huye District Mayor Sebutege Ange; Rubavu District Habyarimana Gilbert; and RLMUA Director General Espérance Mukamana

Government institutions are overspending billions of Rwandan Francs each year, from local to Senate level. As The Chronicles reports, there is a pattern behind that needs to be addressed. Not only to avoid such tremendous overspending in future, but also to regain the citizens' trust.

Imagine a situation where a team of government officials prepares projects to spend Rwf 1.5billion, only to return to national treasury excusing themselves that it actually cost Rwf 3billion. Yet, the over payment didn't happen with one on single tender, there are multiple tenders from the same institution.

How about one agency where the budget for given tasks was Rwf 8million. But then when it came to paying after the supplier has completed the task, the client institution paid over Rwf 79m.

As if that is not bad enough, there is another government institution which prepared a budget for the activity and submitted it to the ministry of finance. However, then conducted a feasibility study after the budget had been approved. As a result, the taxpayer paid an extra Rwf 831m on the original budget. Costly consequences of confusion and incompetence.

The cases we are highlighting above are not fiction. They are a snapshot inside a 1,739-page report of the Auditor General of state finances for the period June 2018-June 2019. The voluminous report was handed to Parliament on May 15.

The report details unimaginable wastage of taxpayers' money. Government agencies are flashing the meagre resources the country has, down the drain with little regard of the pain ordinary people are living through. It is as if they are competing on who or which agency spends the most.

Water provider WASAC is the biggest culprit in the AG report. It gave out six tenders, for which it paid an extra Rwf 6.25billion. It could suggest, CEO Eng. Aimé Muzola approved more than a billion Francs for each of the tenders.

The project in question was called: Design, Rehabilitation, Upgrading and extension of Water Supply Network in six (6) Satellite Cities (Huye, Muhanga, Musanze, Nyagatare, Rubavu and Rusizi). The project was divided into 6 Lots (different tenders). The Auditor General found many irregularities in each of the tenders.

The irregularities include: Tenders awarded without undertaking prior project independent feasibility studies; Awarding both design, rehabilitation, upgrading and extension of Water Supply Network to one contractor; and Long delays in tendering process resulting into expiration of bids.

This particular above project is not the only one in WASAC with questionable tenders. In fact, the Auditor General dedicated nearly 30 pages of the report to highlighting concerns in WASAC tenders. In total, 87 pages of the whole report are about WASAC, making it with biggest coverage from the report. In Parliament, the AG Biraro described WASAC as "exceptional" in how it misuses taxpayers money.

In the Senate, the upper house of Parliament, where you would expect strict adherence to laws and regulations, there are no differences from a rural district.. Staff of the Senate prepared tenders, whose final prices went up more than 5 times. The over payment did not happen with to one tender contract, or two tenders. No! The over pricing spending of activities happened with 3 three different tenders. At the time, Bernard Makuza, also a former Prime Minister, was the Senate President.

The Auditor General found that for the three tenders, the Senate planned to pay a total of Rwf 8.2million. However, by end of the contracts, the Senate had paid a whooping Rwf 79.3million or an incredible increase of 865%.

At the Rwanda Biomedical Center (RBC), an autonomous agency of the Health Ministry and which is currently leading Rwanda's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, the way taxpayer's money is used there, is mind-boggling.

During the year June 2018-June 2019, it put out four tenders, all for a total of Rwf 197.2 million. By the time the work was completed, it had paid out Rwf 866.9m, or an explosion of over Rwf 669.6m. At the time, RBC was headed by Dr Conco Jeanine, who was recently replaced.

"Unreasonable" figures – says AG

altWASAC LTD – Water and Sanitation Corporation Limited Company; REB – Rwanda Education Board; RBC – Rwanda Biomedical Centre; RBC MPPD – RBC Medical Procurement and Production Division; FONERWA – Rwanda Green Fund; RRA – Rwanda Revenue Authority; RLMUA – Rwanda Land Management and Use Authority; RTDA – Rwanda Transport Development Agency

The waste is not happening at the central government alone. Actually, it is worse in the districts. Rubavu district, one of the with its relatively big towns Gisenyi, also bordering DR Congo, paid out excessive amounts for various projects. They repeated the overpayment in 17 tenders.

For all these Rubavu tenders, the total budget was slightly above Rwf 1.57billion. When the Auditor General Obadia Biraro looked into Rubavu district's books, he found they had actually paid out an additional Rwf 1.48billion. The Mayor Habyarimana Gilbert and his team was very happy to pay spent 95% more than planned.

In Gatsibo district, eastern Rwanda, led by Richard Gasana, the team scheduled and called for contractors on four tenders – all together totaling Rwf 871.6million. Unbothered, the Gatsibo team signed off payment of nearly Rwf 1.8billion, or in excess of Rwf 831million.

In the words of the Auditor General, what happened in Gatsibo is that the "feasibility study [were] done after budgeting". To put it bluntly, the district team imagined the estimated numbers for cost of items, then issued the contracts, and only after then went out to look at prices on market after. Yet it should have been thew other way round.

At the Rwanda Education Board (REB), after looking through their tender payments, the Auditor General called them "unreasonable" – just a taste of the angry language used in the audit report.

According to the Auditor General, what is causing this overpayment by state institutions is the inability of the officials in charge to plan properly. For nearly all the cases audited, the AG says: "The… significant increase in estimated costs of tenders is mainly due to the fact that no market research was conducted before award of these tenders."

However, it beats logic as to how a combination of technical and political officials, can do the same mistake of not doing market research on multiple tenders, a feat happening overtime. It, to say the least, doesn't make sense.

The AG report we have reviewed is the latest. In many instances in this report, the AG says same overpayments were noted in previous years. As is with the common practice, top officials of the audited agencies will be summoned to Parliament's watchdog the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) in the coming months.

While in PAC, in the full glare of the media, the officials will be ridiculed and harassed, and some expectedly sent out of committee sessions, as MPs demand for answers that never come.

Unscrupulous businesspeople

The Chronicles spoke to officials at 3 three institutions, all of whom declined to go on record. All said they cannot comment on the Auditor General's report. One of them said they have began preparing for the imminent roasting in Parliament, and that will be it.

"Let me give you a very simply example. The Minister will call me at 11pm telling me 'we need 200 classrooms in two months'. What do you expect me to do?," said one Mayor who preferred to remain anonymous. "Don't forget that by end of the year, I have received such countless of such phone calls. You add up the figures yourself."

In August last year, anti-genocide campaign group Never Again released findings from a two-year study on the IMIHIGO performance contracts. It gave grim reading. Officials silently complained of about unbearable targets forced on them from the highest levels of government.

Officials cited "urgent priority", as the wording used when receiving new directives. These emerge without warning, sometimes from a speech by President Paul Kagame or complaints raised at one of the many local political forums.

In the Never Again study, a Senator is quoted as saying: "When people are constantly under pressure to deliver, the most difficult question becomes how to set people-centered local priorities. [Local leaders] are requested to urgently do ABC, etc. in order to materialize, let's say, presidential pledges and other ambitious government-led development goals. In so doing so, some local leaders fall short in considering and paying attention to local priorities as defined by local populations."

An official from Gatsibo district said: "I ask for facilitation from the executive committee, but the response is 'there is no budget for that'…."

The Chronicles has been told that armies of unscrupulous businesspeople run meticulous schemes where they connive with officials inside agencies. The networks know the pressure that heads of government agencies face.

As a result, there is no market research when a task comes. Instead, they will be rushing to complete the a project, no thorough market research is done ignoring the and costs involved are neglected, if not ignored. Very often, according to multiple sources, the officials get their share of big contract later.

This perhaps explains why the treasury drags its feet when it comes to paying contractors. As a measure to control expenditures, the finance ministry runs a centralized payment system where all contractual invoices from state agencies are wired to the treasury. It makes the payment.

At the annual national dialogue Umushyikirano in December last year, it emerged that government owes suppliers of local government entities alone over Rwf 20 billions. When all other sectors are added up, government may be owing the private sector hundreds of billions.


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Fw: [ibukabose_rengerabose] Who is Yolande Makolo, the lady who called Kenneth Roth a “virus” ?



 

Who is Yolande Makolo, the lady who called Kenneth Roth a "virus" ?

alt

To understand Yolande MAKOLO, you need to know Jeannette Nyiramongi, wife of Paul Kagame. The two ladies' stories are intertwined.

 

Jeannette Nyiramongi

 

She is the daughter of Mr. Murefu. Their family lived in exile in Bujumbura, Burundi when in 1983 Murefu was accused of spying on behalf of  the Government of Hayarimana in Rwanda. Mr Murefu was expelled to find himself in Kigali where he was well received. He started doing business. He ran a bistro and a nightclub in the center of the capital city, Kigali; in a building belonging to Matthieu Ngirumpatse, who was then president of the MRND, the political party under President Habyarimana's regime. A rental guarantee check was deposited by Jean Huss Mugwaneza, a family friend, and a successful businessman. Mr Mugwaneza was the elder brother to Robert Kajuga, the famous leader of the Interahamwe.

 

At that time, Jeannette Nyiramongi wass a young flourishing girl enjoying herself in Kigali. Jean Huss Mugwaneza offered to help her follow studies in Naïrobi, Kenya. Mr  Jean Huss Mugwaneza had a juicy market of supplying gypsum to the CIMERWA factory. Gypsum is a kind of rock used as a raw material for making cement. This stone was imported from the mountains of Kenya where Jean Huss Mugwaneza had opened mining sites. He therefore used to make frequent stays in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi..

 

How Makolo comes in

 

Despite Mr. Mugwaneza's support, Jeannette Kagame fell in troubles. She was rescued and taken in by the family of a certain Speciose Kayihura, mother of Yolande Makolo. After a few years, from that family Jeannette Nyiramongi was introduced to her charming prince Paul Kagame who, in 1989, hastened the wedding arrangements before going to war.

 

Kagame conquered Rwanda in July 1994. He reigned as the strong man in Kigali and will be officially sworn in as president in 2000, making Jeannette Nyiramongi de facto the First Lady. She will not forget her benefactors, starting with the Speciose Kayihura family who sheltered her during the bad days in Naïrobi. This is how Yolande Makolo landed in President's office as director in charge of the communications.

 

Nepotism at play:

 

Jeannette Kagame wants to keep control on everything, or at least , to have an eye in each corner of the State's. As such , she places her cronies tactically ( in different times).

1. Yvonne Makolo ( sister to Yolande Makolo) is CEO of Rwandair, the national  air company.

2. Viviane Kayitesi Kayihura, chief of the Rwandan Development Bank (BRD), then posted to Ankara in Turkey;

3. Teta Rutimirwa Kayihura, head of urban planning in the city of Kigali;

4. Eugene Kayihura, Ambassador of Rwanda to South Korea, Tanzania and then to the Seychelles Islands;

5. Tesi Kayihura, stationed at the Embassy of Rwanda in Singapore;

6. Rema and Minego, board members of the government newspaper The New Times;

7. Urujeni Manzi Bakuramutsa, current director of the office of Paul Kagame,  her mother is the sister of Speciose Kayihura, …

 

The father of Yolande Makolo is a Congolese man from Luba tribe (muluba). She is married to another congolese man, but not a less important one: Bosco Ntaganda's brother. Bosco Ntaganda aka "Terminator", was a henchman of President Paul Kagame in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) before being arrested and tried by the International Criminal Cout (ICC) in The Hague. He was sentenced to 30 years' imprisonment for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Ituri in 2002-2003.

 

Power-drunk ?

 

Strengthened by her relationships with the first lady, Yolande Makolo has become, over the years, one of the most powerful women in "New Rwanda". In her role as Director of Communication for President Kagame, she spearheaded  attacks on social media against Presidents Pierre Nkurunziza of Burundi and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, who, it is in the air- as maintain not-so-good relations with President Paul Kagame.

 

Recently, Yolande Makolo has been replaced by another woman in the seraglio, Stéphanie Nyombayire, but she remains in power as responsible for "General Affairs of the Presidency of the Republic". It is unclear as to what her post refers to, but we know that in this capacity she attacked Kenneth Roth, Director of Human Rights Watch, calling him "virus Ken Covid-20".

 

KenHRW

 

It reminds me that  in Lexico the adjective "power-drunk" applies to a person intoxicated by the possession of power; rendered irrational by power.





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Dr Phil Clark ( SOAS University of London): A biased lecturer and researcher about African issues.

Dr Phil Clark  was born in Sudan and  is currently  working at SOAS University of London. He is known to be biased lecturer and researcher about African issues, particularly the Rwandan genocide.   With his poor judgement and analytical thinking, this man only talk about  the results  of events and forget the   root causes.

He is a staunch supporter of the criminal, dictator and killer Paul Kagame , the President of  Rwanda. He is singing the song of the winner of the Rwandan  war.

He is in the same boat with Linda Melvern, a biased British  freelancer who received a medal from the dictator Paul   Kagame.


Inline imageInline image
Dr.Phil Clark


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Linda Melvern

I am asking Dr Phil Clark  one question:  

Dear  Dr Phil Clark,

What   was the  role of  Paul Kagame and RPF in the Rwandan  massacres and genocide in and outside Rwanda?   Based on your impartial thinking, what are the root causes of  Rwandan genocide?

If you don't know, I urge you  to start researching about these topics for your next book. If you can't find relevant publications on the above topics, please let us  know if you need help.

Thank you.

The Clever Rwandan People.
 

 


Wednesday, 27 May 2020

Fw: [fondationbanyarwanda] Rwanda: Impuruza. Dore aho u Rwanda rwerekera niba ntawe ufashije Rubanda kwirwanaho.



 

Rwanda: Impuruza. Dore aho u Rwanda rwerekera niba ntawe ufashije Rubanda kwirwanaho.

Umwimere w'iyi nyandiko ufite umutwe ugira uti:  "Intabaza yerekana aho u Rwanda rwagana abarwanya ingoma mpotozi ya FPR Inkotanyi batereranye rubanda". Mu rwego rwo kubwira Rubanda ko na rwo rwifitemo imbaraga, kandi rukaba rugomba gutanga umusanzu warwo, twahisemo guhindura umutwe tuwita : "Impuruza. Dore aho u Rwanda rwerekera niba ntawe ufashije Rubanda kwirwanaho". Turashimira abayitugejejeho kandi turahamagarira abasomyi gutanga ibitekerezo byabo uko babyumva nk'umusanzu wo kubaka igihugu kizira umunabi. 

Duhereye ku mateka y'igihugu cyacu, hari ibimenyetso bigaragara byerakana ko niba nta gihindutse mu maguru mashya, abanyarwanda bashobora kwibona mu bintu byibutsa imyaka ya 1959-1961, n'imyaka ya 1990-1994.

Kuva aho umwami Mutara III Rudahigwa yangiye guha agaciro ibitekerezo yari yagejejweho n'impirimbanyi za demokarasi byari bikubiye mu nyandiko izwi ku izina rya "Manifeste des Bahutu" yerekanaga akarengane abenegihugu barimo, Kigeri V Ndahindurwa wamusimbuye mu mwaka w'1959 akadukana ahubwo urugomo rwo kwica izo mpirimbanyi, byarangiye byose ubwami buciwe, hashingwa Repubulika.

Repubulika imaze gushingwa, abatarishimiye ishingwa ryayo bahunze igihugu ndetse barema n'umutwe w'ingabo wo kurwanya iyo Repubulika uzwi ku izina "Inyenzi". Igihe ubutegetsi bwa Repubulika bwari buri mu biganza by'impirimbanyi zishyize hamwe, bwabashije gukumira ibitero by'inyenzi.

Nyuma y'imyaka 25 u Rwanda rubonye ubwigenge, bamwe mu bahunze igihugu mu myaka ya 1959-1961 bavuguruye ishyaka ryari irya Kigeri V Ndahindurwa baryita RANU, ari na ryo ryaje guhinduka FPR Inkotanyi ubwo bateraga u Rwanda mu mwaka
w'1990.

Intambara y'Inkotanyi zishaka gufata no kwiharira ubutegetsi mu Rwanda kuva mu Ukwakira 1990 kugeza 1994 yaranzwe n'ibi bikurikira:
● Ubwumvikane buke mu bari imbere mu gihugu cyane cyane nyuma y'aho amashyaka menshi yemerewe;
● Ingorane z'ubutegetsi bwa Habyarimana zo kurwana intambara ebyiri icyarimwe: iy'amasasu n'iya demokarasi;
● Ubufatanye hagati y'abateye u Rwanda na ba mpatsibihugu bashakaga ko inyungu zabo mu karere zakwitabwaho kurushaho;
● Ibikorwa by'iterabwoba mu gihugu n'urugomo byakozwe na FPR Inkotanyi hagamijwe gutera ubwoba abanyarwanda muri rusange n'abanyapolitiki by'unwihariko;

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● Iyicwa rya bamwe mu banyapolitiki b'abanyarwanda ryashojwe n'iyicwa rya Perezida Habyarimana kuya 6 Mata 1994 hagamijwe gushyira igihugu mu kangaratete kugira ngo FPR Inkotanyi ishobore gufata ubutegetsi nta nkomyi.

Kuva Inkotanyi zafata ubutegetsi i Kigali muri Nyakanga 1994, ntizahwemye gukora ibikorwa by'iterabwoba, haba mu gihugu imbere ndetse no hanze, zica abo zibona bose bazibangamiye kubera ibitekerezo byabo byo kubanisha abanyarwanda mu mahoro n'ubwumvikane.

Uretse kwica zakomeje n'ibikorwa byo gufunga inzirakarengane ziziziza gutekereza ku
buryo bunyuranye n'ubw'Inkotanyi.
Nko mu gihe bicaga Gapyisi Emmanuel (18.05.1993) wahamagariraga abanyarwanda bari imbere mu gihugu gushyira hamwe ngo bivune FPR Inkotanyi yari yabashoye mu ntambara bakicana ari abavandimwe, ni ko bishe umuhanzi Kizito Mihigo (17.02.2020) wahamagariraga abanyarwanda bose kwiyunga nyabyo kugira ngo babashe guhangana n'ibibazo baterwa n'ubutegetsi bubi.

Uko Mbonyumutwa Dominiko yakubiswe muri 1959, ba Secyugu na ba Mukwiye bakicwa, niko ubu abayoboke b'amashyaka arwanya FPR Inkotanyi bicwa cyangwa bakagaraguzwa agati.
Nk'uko ihohoterwa ryakorewe Mbonyumutwa Dominiko n'iyicwa ry'abarwanashyaka byatumye ubwami buseswa hakavuka Repubulika;
Nk'uko kandi iyicwa rya ba Gapyisi Emmanuel (MDR, perezida wa komisiyo y'iteganyamigambi), Rwambuka Fideli (MRND, Burugumesitiri wa komini Kanzenze), Gatabazi Felisiyani (PSD, Minisitiri w'ibikorwa bya Leta), Bucyana Martini (CDR, Perezida w'ishyaka) na Perezida Habyarimana n'abo bari kumwe mu ndege byatumye abanyarwanda bicwa ari benshi bitari ngombwa;

Ihohoterwa rikomeje ry'abanyapolitiki batavuga rumwe na FPR Inkotanyi n'iyicwarubozo rya bamwe muri bo bishobora gutuma igihugu kijya mu ijoro ry'icuraburindi risumba iryakigwiriye muri 1994.

Dukurikije iyi mikorere yaranze abarunari ikaba ubu iranga FPR Inkotanyi, yo kwanga ko abanyarwanda bakumvikana bakareshya imbere y'amategeko;

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Tuzirikanye urugomo rukabije ruyiranga ubu rugaragarira mu kugaraguza agati madamu Ingabire Victoire, Me Ntaganda Bernard n'abandi banyapolitiki no kwica abayoboke b'amashyaka atavuga rumwe na FPR Inkotanyi;

Ni ngombwa ko abanyarwanda badakomeza kuba ba Bwoba, Ntibindeba ahubwo bagashishikazwa no kurengera igihugu cyabo n'uburenganzira bwabo busesuye.

Ibi byakorwa gute rero?
1. Gushyigikira birushijeho no gushingana Madamu Ingabire Victoire, Me Ntaganda Bernard, n'izindi mpirimbanyi za demokarasi ziri mu Rwanda mu buryo butaziguye;
2. Gushira ubwoba no gutinyuka gushyigikira ku mugaragaro amashyaka arwanya ubutegetsi buriho mu Rwanda no kwanga gukomeza kogerwaho uburimiro n'abambari b'ingoma mpotozi;
3. Abaharanira ko uburyo igihugu kiyobowe bwahinduka neza mu buryo buboneye abanyarwanda bose bakore ibikorwa bateganyije batagombye gutegereza ibikorwa bigayitse bya FPR, mu gihe ibi byaba bibaye, bo bakabyamagana bivuye inyuma;
4. Abarwanya ingoma mpotozi ya FPR bakurikiza umurongo wa politiki ushyira imbere inyungu za rubanda bakwiye kwikusanya bidatinze bagahuza ingufu zabo;
5. Kwiga uburyo abakeka ko baremewe gutegeka mu Rwanda batitaye ku nyungu za rubanda bataba imbogamizi mu kubahiriza inyungu z'abanyarwanda bose muri rusange, ahubwo bakumva ko uburenganzira bafite mu gihugu babunganya n'abandi banyarwanda;
6. Kuzirikana ko impinduka mu Rwanda ishoboka ari uko abanyarwanda ubwabo babishatse kandi bakabikora, inkunga y'abanyamahanga ikaba gusa yaza ibunganira kuko "Akimuhana kaza imvura ihise".

Bikozwe ku ya 24 Gicurasi 2020 na:
Maniragena Valensi
Nzeyimana Ambrozi

Ambrozi_Valensi



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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
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“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

KOMEZA USOME AMAKURU N'IBITEKEREZO BYA VUBA BYAGUCITSE:

RECOMMENCE

RECOMMENCE

1.Kumenya Amakuru n’amateka atabogamye ndetse n’Ibishobora Kukugiraho Ingaruka ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.

2.Kwisanzura mu Gutanga Ibitekerezo, Kurwanya Ubusumbane, Akarengane n’Ibindi Byose Bikubangamiye ni Uburenganzira Bwawe.