“Uwigize agatebo ayora ivi”. Ubutegetsi bukugira agatebo ukariyora uko bukeye n’uko bwije.

"Ce dont j’ai le plus peur, c’est des gens qui croient que, du jour au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre."

“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile."

samedi 1 août 2015

[amakurunamateka.com] Burundi: Nkurunziza félicité par ses soutiens, silence radio à l’étranger

 


MÉDIAS

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Burundi: Nkurunziza félicité par ses soutiens, silence radio à l'étranger


media
Le président Pierre Nkurunziza lors des célébrations du 53e anniversaire de l'indépendance du Burundi, à Bujumbura le 1er juillet. AFP PHOTO / MARCO LONGARI
     
     
     
     

Depuis l'annonce de sa victoire à l'élection présidentielle du 21 juillet dernier, la radio nationale publique croule sous les messages de félicitations à l'endroit de Pierre Nkurunziza. Des déclarations qui doivent être lues ou au moins signalées. Mais les opposants dénoncent l'absence de messages de la communauté internationale.


Chaque jour depuis la victoire contestée à la présidentielle de Pierre Nkurunziza, les Burundais ne peuvent pas y couper. Chaque journal en kirundi, français, anglais ou swahili de la radio nationale publique, commence par ceci : « Des messages de félicitations ne cessent de nous parvenir… », grésille la voix du présentateur. Gouverneurs de provinces, administrateurs, présidents d'obscures associations ou chefs d'entreprises d'Etat, c'est pratiquement un exercice obligé pour tous ceux qui appartiennent à la galaxie CNDD-FDD, au pouvoir dans le pays.

Et pendant ce temps, rien, aucun message en provenance de l'étranger, ce qui fait jaser dans les quartiers anti-troisième mandat de Bujumbura où l'on se plaît à souligner que « cela prouve que le président Nkurunziza n'a aucune légitimité ». « Ce sont ses amis politiques qui le félicitent, la famille et même ses parents si ça se trouve, et pourquoi pas moi ? Le tour de mon message n'est pas encore arrivé peut-être ! », ironise un Burundais. « La légitimité nationale n'y est pas, pas du tout. Ça se sent, commente un autre. Ce sont des associations de la société civile satellites du pouvoir [qui le félicitent]»

Dans le camp des pro-Nkurunziza, c'est tout le contraire : on envoie pratiquement balader cette communauté internationale qui n'a rien compris. « Ça les regarde, réagit François-Xavier Ndaruzaniye, le président d'une ligue des droits de l'homme réputée proche du parti au pouvoir. Mais nous, en tant que Burundais, qui sommes allés voter le 21 juillet, nous devons féliciter notre président parce que c'est le président des Burundais, non pas le président des Américains, le président des Français, le président des Belges. » Mais François-Xavier Ndaruzaniye espère quand même voir cette communauté internationale changer d'avis très bientôt.



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-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
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[amakurunamateka.com] Burundi: la volte-face d’Agathon Rwasa change la donne politique

 


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Burundi: la volte-face d'Agathon Rwasa change la donne politique


media
Un homme passe devant une galerie de portraits des présidents burundais, à l'Assemblée nationale, à Bujumbura le 27 juillet. AFP PHOTO / PHIL MOORE
     
     
     
     

Au lendemain de l'élection surprise d'Agathon Rwasa au poste de premier vice-président de l'Assemblée nationale, les cartes politiques sont rebattues dans l'opposition burundaise. Celui qui comptait parmi les principaux adversaires au troisième mandat de Pierre Nkurunziza a été élu grâce aux voix du parti au pouvoir, au lendemain d'une élection présidentielle dont il affirmait ne pas reconnaître le résultat.


Que va recevoir Agathon Rwasa en échange ? Quel sera le prix de son ralliement ? Personne ne peut le dire pour le moment, mais les choses semblent avoir radicalement changé pour l'opposition burundaise, constituée en coalition contre le troisième mandat du président Pierre Nkurunziza depuis la fin avril.

En ramenant Agathon Rwasa dans ses filets, le pouvoir de Pierrre Nkurunziza vient de réussir un coup de maître. Jeudi, celui qui était encore considéré comme le principal opposant burundais a été élu au poste de premier vice-président de l'Assemblée nationale avec les voix du CNDD-FDD, le parti présidentiel. Pour le reste de l'opposition burundaise, c'est le signe qu'Agathon Rwasa a conclu un pacte avec son ennemi d'hier.

Charles Nditije isolé 

Charles Nditije, qui dirige l'aile majoritaire du parti tutsi de l'Union pour le progrès national (Uprona, parti non reconnu par le pouvoir) et était le principal allié d'Agathon Rwasa au sein de la coalition des Indépendants de l'espoir, se retrouve aujourd'hui tout seul. « On n'attend rien de cette alliance qui va plutôt radicaliser la société burundaise et réveiller les démons de la division ethnique alors que nous commencions quand même à tourner la page », a-t-il déclaré au micro de RFI, jeudi, après l'annonce de ce rapprochement des deux principales forces politiques burundaises, issues toutes les deux de la rébellion hutu de ce pays (CNDD-FDD de Pierre Nkurunziza et FNL d'Agathon Rwasa).

Hasard du calendrier, le reste de l'opposition - composée d'un rassemblement hétéroclite de leaders en exil, d'autres restés au Burundi, ainsi que les auteurs du putsch manqué de mai dernier - se retrouve depuis jeudi 30 juillet à Addis-Abeba, en Ethiopie. Leur objectif est de créer une union sacrée en vue de chasser Pierre Nkurunziza du pouvoir. Mais l'on peut s'interroger sur la marge de manœuvre dont disposera cette opposition.

Le satisfecit de Pierre Nkurunziza

A Bujumbura, Agathon Rwasa reconnaît en effet désormais que Pierre Nkurunziza a « réussi son forcing », même si la communauté internationale considère qu'il a été réélu pour la troisième fois au terme d'un scrutin sans aucune crédibilité.

Dans un discours livré après la validation de sa victoire par la Cour constitutionnelle, jeudi soir, Pierre Nkurunziza a lui-même assuré que la présidentielle s'était « très bien déroulée » et a promis d'être « le président de tous les Burundais » pendant son troisième mandat. Il n'a pas dit un mot sur la crise qu'a traversée le pays depuis qu'il s'est déclaré candidat à un troisième mandat, en avril dernier.

     
     



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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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[amakurunamateka.com] Rwanda: Itotezwa rya Dr. Munyakazi Leopold

 

Itotezwa rya Dr. Munyakazi Leopold.

P1 Itotezwa rya Dogiteri Munyakazi Leopold

P2 Itotezwa rya Dogiteri Munyakazi Leopold

P3 Itotezwa rya Dogiteri Munyakazi Leopold

P4 Itotezwa rya Dogiteri Munyakazi Leopold

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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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[amakurunamateka.com] Rwandan Ex-Prime Minister Kambanda: Inside Story of His Court Case

 


Jean Kambanda, Convicted Without Trial

"Jean Kambanda, Convicted Without Trial" is the title of Chapter 16 of the book A History of Political Trialsby Dr. John Laughland.

Jean Kambanda's confession is widely considered to be the sole uncontested evidence that the former Rwandan government conspired and planned to commit a genocide against the Tutsis in 1994.

According to many ICTR defence counsel, the essential facts are that his confession is nothing but a miscarriage of justice, a world scandal and a shame for international justice.

Upon his arrest on the 18th of July 1997, the Prime Minister of Rwanda was never assigned a lawyer and, unlike other accused brought before the ICTR, he was not taken to appear before a judge on his arrest as required by the Tribunal's own Statute.

Instead, he was taken to the national capital of Tanzania, Dodoma, several hundred kilometres away from Arusha, where the International Tribunal is located.

He was kept incommunicado in a hotel for nine months. During those nine months he was denied the right to see a lawyer and was denied contact with his family or friends.

During those nine months former Canadian police officers working with the ICTR continuously questioned him, and every day threatened him and his family if he did not cooperate, behaviour that can only be described as psychological torture.

"[The] officer responsible for administering a "good dose of torture" to Mr. Kambanda was Pierre Duclos. Pierre Duclos is well known in his country, Canada. He was accused of perjury, fabricating evidence and obstructing justice in relation to the aborted trial of the Matticks brothers, a family involved in organized crime in Montreal.

Yes, the ICTR hires individuals with a sulphurous past. In fact, the Canadian prosecutor Louise Arbour, whose record as prosecutor is also a dark one, was responsible for hiring Pierre Duclos" according to Patrick Mbeko, a Canadian of Congolese origin, in his article: Rwanda: "Genocide of Tutsis", The Biggest Lie of The Century.

According to our sources inside ICTR Tribunal, Mr Jean Kambanda was told every day that if he did not sign some sort of confession, his life was at risk and that of his family.

He endured this for 9 months but then finally gave in and agreed to sign a document in which he stated simply that he accepted responsibility for his government's actions in 1994 in his role of prime minister.

Many ICTR lawyers and staff categorically affirm that Mr Jean Kambanda did not confess to genocide. He did not think that his government had done anything wrong in 1994.  (see Jean Kambanda's Statement from Prison)

The document he signed, he was told, (English is not his first language) stated simply that he accepted political responsibility for whatever his government did during 1994. He did not understand the document he was about to sign stated that his government had committed genocide.

Remember, up to this stage, he had no access to a lawyer, was not told he had the right to remain silent and did not even know the charges against him nor the evidence the ICTR claimed to have.

However, once he signed that document, he was finally taken to Arusha to appear before a judge and then was assigned a lawyer. However, he was not told that the lawyer he was assigned was the best friend of the Prosecutor in charge of his case.

This lawyer then tricked him into agreeing to plead guilty. He thought he was only pleading "guilty" to political responsibility" for any actions his government took during the events of 1994 and was not a confession to a criminal act as such and he did not understand it to be a confession to war crimes or genocide.

His assigned lawyer,and friend of the prosecutor never discussed with him the events of 1994, whether any crimes had been committed and whether or not he had a defence nor did he advise the judges of the circumstances of Mr. Kambanda's detention and violation of his rights and psychological pressures placed on him.

The prosecutor promised Mr. Kambanda that he would receive a 12 year sentence if he made a plea of guilty based on the document he had signed. However the day he appeared in court and made the plea the judges gave him a life sentence without any hearing on the sentence and in violation of the agreement the prosecutor had made.

He then spent the next couple of years pressing to be allowed to withdraw his plea as it was made under duress, in violation of his rights and by trickery.

Finally in 2001 he was allowed to appear before a panel of judges to argue that the plea should be rescinded and he should be given a trial in which he could present a defence and tell the wolrd what happened in Rwanda in 1994.

We have managed to speak to some ICTR Defence lawyers who were in the courtroom that day and watched the proceedings. They all recall how it was disgusting to watch what how he was treated.

The prosecution counsel appearing in the "court" that day was also a Canadian. Kambanda told the judges the facts of his arrest and detention and how he was manipulated into signing the "confession" document.

He stated repeatedly that neither he nor his government were responsible for planning or organising or conducting a genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda and he never intended to plead guilty to that nor understood that he had.

Mr. Kambanda demanded the right to a trial, the right to speak and the opportunity to tell the world what had really happened. But the Canadian prosecutor questioned him over and over asking simply "But you signed this document, did you not?"

Kambanda would reply, "yes, but you're not listening to what I am saying as to how I came to sign that document." Then the same question was put-"You signed it?" And so on. At the end of the day they refused to allow him to withdraw his plea and he was taken away and silenced.

Why did they do this? Because it was clear to them that if he was allowed a trial he was in a position to tell the world what had really happened and it would be a disaster for the RPF and the US and UK that control the tribunal. They could not allow him to talk so they shut him up.

The ICTR needed to justify its existence and a reason for a second mandate.

In his article titled "Main Achievements of the ICTR", published in International Criminal Justice Journal of September 2005, Judge Erick Mose, former president of the ICTR, justifies the role of the ICTR stating that "During the first mandate (1995^1999), the Tribunal delivered ground-breaking judgments concerning genocide, such as Akayesu and Kambanda".

Since then many prisoners have refused to plead guilty and have insisted on trials. The accused used these trials especially the MIlitary I and Military II trials to bring out the truth the truth about the 4 year war in Rwanda and that in fact there was no government-sponsored genocide or planning of one against the Tutsis and that most of the accusations are false and that the RPF committed most of the atrocities.

In 2003, Jean Kambanda made a statement as to what his true position was and that statement was later made an exhibit in the MIlitary II trial involving the chiefs of staff of the Rwandan Army and Gendarmerie.  In his position, Jean Kambanda states:

"16. I also swear also that the spread of trouble over the entire Rwandan territory was not caused by the government or by the FAR. The infiltrators of the RPF are responsible for that. We succeeded in capturing their plans, the names of their agents, and their arms caches in Kigali, Bisesero, Kibungo, etc. The mass graves dug deep by the accomplices of the RPF were discovered in many places. The terrorised population knew of this and considered it as a threat to their lives. The government, I at the head, never stopped to explain to the population that they cannot confuse the Tutsi and the RPF and that their accomplices must be arrested and brought before the authorities."

As this excerpt reveal, Jean Kambanda was set up and silenced so that the truth about what happened could not come out. But now it has.

Now ex-Prime Minister Kambanda is rotting in prison in Mali, without trial, without a voice. His case deserves to be known by all Rwandans and, in fact, by all Africans who care for justice.

Claire Umurungi



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"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
###

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-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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[amakurunamateka.com] ITV News wrong to give platform to Rwanda's genocide mastermind

 


Kambanda
 John Ray, Africa correspondent for ITV News, interviews Jean Kambanda in a Mali prison. Photograph: ITV News

I am pleased to carry this guest blog by Linda Melvern, who has written extensively about the 1994 Rwandan genocide and acted as a consultant to the prosecution team at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.*

It was billed as a world scoop: the Africacorrespondent for ITV, John Ray, had gained access to a top security prison in Mali which housed the men behind Africa's "final solution."

Until now these Rwandans had remained as silent as the memorials to their victims, we are told, and here was the first television interview with one of them, Jean Kambanda, the world's first head of government to plead guilty to the crime of genocide. It was broadcast on 21 July. 

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It is 17 years since Kambanda was last seen in public and he has put on weight since he was sentenced to a life term at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in September 1998. 

The prisoner, a former economist and banker, wearing an immaculate dark suit and tie, sits with Ray in the prison library calmly claiming he is innocent of all charges and was tricked into making his 1997 confession. He insists his conscience is clear. 

Kambanda was the prime minister of a government created with the purpose of controlling the administration of the genocide of the Tutsi; his government's national policy was the creation of a "pure Hutu state" with no Tutsi at all. 

In his confession he revealed how the policy of genocide was the subject of cabinet meetings. "We discussed the evolution of the massacres in each prefecture," he said. 

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In three months of genocide, during which up to one million people were murdered, Kambanda ensured that local authorities had enough people to carry out the killing and made sure that those unwilling to take part were eliminated. 

The interview with Kambanda caused great upset in Rwanda. The National Commission for the Fight against Genocide (CNLG) sent a note of protest to the ICTR. According to the CNLG, a 1999 agreement between Mali and the United Nations does not allow ICTR genocide convicts to have access to media to deny the crimes for which they were convicted and imprisoned.

These convicts are apparently forbidden from spreading their hateful Hutu power propaganda used in the preparation and execution of the genocide of the Tutsi, and they are banned from peddling political propaganda. 

Kambanda's claim of innocence is no surprise. He is a past master at genocide denial. In April 1994, when the evidence of genocide was emerging from Rwanda in the form of bodies washed down the rivers, the Kambanda government organised a campaign of diplomatic news spin to try to persuade the world that the deaths were due to "fighting" in a renewed civil war.

The genocide of the Tutsi was the result of a chain of command and a prepared strategy. It was a conspiracy at national level, but without the complicity of the local and national civil and military authorities, the large-scale massacres would not have taken place. 

As genocide progressed in 1994 Kambanda and his ministers were ensconced in a peaceful, modern schoolyard in a flower garden. Here were the middle-aged and well-dressed men and women of government going about their business.

Melvern
 Linda Melvern's updated book Photograph: Amazon

After he fled with his criminal gang of ministers into exile Kambanda continued to promote a policy of genocide denial. Several of his colleagues have since written books to further promote their own falsification of history. 

From their top security prison they have the luxury of a library, gym, a vegetable garden and a small church. It is from here that they peddle their "Hutu Power" ideology which underpinned their atrocious crimes.

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For the survivors of genocide this causes the greatest distress. For them, the genocide is not a distant event from 20 years ago but a reality with which they live every day. 

Genocide denial follows the crime as night follows day and its purpose is the destruction of truth and memory. We should question the wisdom of giving an unrepentant génocidaire any air-time and ask whether or not we should encourage attempts at the falsification of history.

©Linda Melvern

*Linda Melvern is a freelance journalist. Her book, A People Betrayed: the role of the west in Rwanda's genocide (Zed Books) is in its fifth impression and is widely regarded as the most comprehensive account of the genocide.

See also the views of Shyaka Kanuma, editor of the Rwanda Focus, Who enabled ITV to access Kambanda?

ITV News has issued a statement - also posted above John Ray's website report - in which it says that Ray's report "highlighted in some detail the scale of the atrocities that occurred in Rwanda in 1994" and said of Kambanda that he "presided over the Rwandan genocide." It continued:

"In the interview itself we strongly challenged the former prime minister's denials. He was asked directly why he did not stop the killing, and why he distributed weapons to the Hutu killers.

The report also placed the facts in context:

*A response was included from one of the best known experts on the genocide, and an interview with a children's nurse who blamed Kambanda personally for doing nothing to save Tutsi children sheltering in hospital.

*The 800,000 death toll was described as "monstrous crimes."

*In a studio interview, John Ray said many people – including the present Rwandan government – would dismiss everything Kambanda says as a "self-serving attempt to re-write history."

The report was an example of robust and balanced, independent journalism. The report raised awareness of one of the most chilling episodes of recent African history.

Any interview with a controversial figure will raise difficult ethical issues. Fundamentally, it is our duty to inform the public. This can include interviews with controversial individuals. This is a legitimate function of a news organisation."



###
"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
###

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Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
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-Ce dont jai le plus peur, cest des gens qui croient que, du jour  au lendemain, on peut prendre une société, lui tordre le cou et en faire une autre.
-The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
-I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
-The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
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